汉语关系结构的句法位置及其主宾提取的非对称性——兼论普遍性控制规则(GCR)的失效性及其扩展版的解释力

Subject-Object Asymmetry in Constituents’ Extraction in Chinese Restrictive Relative Clauses——On the Nullification of Generalized Control Rule (GCR) and the Validity of Its Extended Version

汉语关系从句因其所修饰位置的不同会呈现主、宾语提取的非对称性,而移位操作和基础生成这两种方式均可以单独或/和共同参与到不同汉语关系结构的生成过程中。基于相关语料的分类和辨析,文章着重阐释汉语关系从句的句法位置对其主宾提取产生的限制和允准问题(非对称性影响)。目前的深层非主语说以及普遍性控制规则虽然都有可取之处,但同时也存在据此难以解释的实证语料。文章针对普遍性控制规则提出了扩展版,力图对汉语关系从句中的主-宾非对称性提供更充分的理论阐释,同时也指出述语描述话题的适切性可能只是汉语关系化过程中形成主宾非对称性的深层语言学理据之一。此外,基于深层非主语说的观点,文章还对现有文献中有关"发生"类动词具有及物性用法的语料予以剖析,并通过关系化等鉴别手段指出该类动词具有排斥主语的倾向性。后续研究理应深入探究关系从句中主宾关系化的顺序对于形成双层关系从句的影响。

Subject-object asymmetry can be observed in the extraction of the constituents in restrictive relative clauses in Chinese,while movement and base-generation are involved in various relative constructions either singly or together.By classifying and differentiating sufficient empirical data,the present article elaborates on the subject-object asymmetry when relative clauses are modifying different syntactic constituents.While the view of non-subject at the underlying representation and Generalized Control Rule(GCR)are of certain explanatory power,there still remain empirical data that are not well accounted for.By extending GCR,the present article also points out that whether the theme clause can appropriately describe the topic NP is one of the underlying linguistic motivations for the subject-object asymmetry.In addition,the article reanalyzes transitive uses of some unaccusative verbs like fasheng in current literature and concludes that this type of verbs are inherently not compatible with subjects,but license topics at the beginning of sentences.Diagnostics like relativization support this analysis.Future studies should to delve into the possible effects on the formation of double relative clauses by the order of relativizing subjects and objects.