显性非宾格动词结构的句法研究

The Syntax of Surface Unaccusative Constructions

汉语非宾格现象呈显性表现,散见于存现句、非使役句以及被动句之中。在这类结构中的动词无外论元,其唯一的受事或客体内论元不仅具有宾语的性质,而且表现形式也与及物动词的宾语相同。因为动词具有非宾格性质,不能给动词后面的论元名词组指派宾格。本文认为,动词之后的论元名词组虽然无法从动词那里获得宾格,但可以将空主语位置的主格继承过来。在有显性名词组移位的结构中,英语的名词组移位是为了核查强EPP特征,而汉语的名词组移位则是为了生成一个无标记话题。在论元名词组留在原位的同时,汉语非宾格句子允许句首位置出现一个表示领属的名词组。该领有名词组应该分析为基础生成的标记性话题,由述语中的语义变量所允准。论元名词组移入空主语位置则生成受事主语句。

Mandarin Chinese displays surface unaccusativity, which manifests itself in the constructions of existentials, non-causatives and passives. In these constructions, the verb lacks an exterr, al argument, and the sole Patient or Theme internal argument not only shows object-like properties but also is apparently expressed like the object of a transitive verb. Given the unaccusative nature of the verb, no accusative Case is assigned to the post＇verbal argument. It is argued that the postverbal argument, though incapable of receiving accusative Case from the preceding unaccusative verb, it does inherit nominative case from the vacant subject position. In cases where there is overt NP-movement, while the NP moves to check the strong EPP feature in English, it moves to create an unmarked topic in Chinese, contrary to the well-established assumption that the Patient NP only undergoes Case-driven NP-movement. It is possible for a Chinese unaccusative sentence to have a sentence-initial possessor NP while keeping the argument NP in situ. The possessor NP is better analyzed as a base-generated marked topic licensed by a semantic variable in the comment. Raising the argument NP into the vacant subject position will produce a Patient-subject sentence.