非连续依靠:间接许可和语法功能层界面

Discontinuous Dependencies:Indirect Licensing and GF Tier Interface

在更简句法非移位理论的间接许可(indirect Licensing,IL)以及语法功能层(GFtier)取代逻辑式LF作为句法—语义界面的基础上,对wh-问句的非连续依靠(discontinuous dependency)进行了全新的研究,反对主流生成语法(MGG)把填充语和空位之间链的关系确立为A’移位。非连续依靠结构的wh-短语由包含语义的概念结构(CS)生成。在语义中,wh-短语和处于题元位置的语迹都与Q算子约束的一个变量连接。概念结构的算子变量和约束变量的非连续体由语法功能层界面影射到句法链。在非移位理论下以及基于逻辑式移位的理论和经验的不足,进一步提出了在多重wh-问句的CS中两个Q算子在指派辖域时产生的域指派冲突来解释优先效应。

Based on indirect licensing of non- movement and grammatical function tier（GF tier）instead of LF as the syntax- semantics interface of simpler syntax, this paper makes a new investigation into the discontinuous dependency of wh - questions and argues against the establishment of filler - gap chain by A＇ movement in mainstream generative grammar. The paper holds that wh - phrases of discontinuous dependency are generated in conceptual structure（CS）including semantics. And both the wh - phrase and the trace in proper theta position are connected to a variable bound by a Q operator in semantics. The discontinuous cornplex of operator variable and bound variable in CS are mapped into a syntactic chain by the GF tier. Under the non - movement theory and based on the theoretical and empirical deficiencies of LF movements, the paper puts forward the scope assigning conflict （SAC）produced by two operators assigning scope in multiple whquestions to interpret the superiority effect.