摘要
粤东北部三县见组字在细音条件下只有/KiAC/类音节变音为龈腭音:~*[k]、~*[k^h]、~*[■]分别变成[■]、[■~h]、[■];音变后介音也流失了。/KiC/类音节不变。这个观察有别于前人的记述,但可以通过语图分析得到验证。借助音节建构的分析,文章说明不平衡的演变来自见组细音的两组音节内部结构的不同:/KiAC/类音节中K,与[i]同属音首,所以糅合为龈腭辅音;而/KiC/类音节中,[i]却作为韵核,与音首关系疏远,所以未能糅合。
Across 3 Hakka dialects, velars (^* k, ^* k^h, η) shift to become alveolo-palatals ( , ^h, respectively) when followed by the medial glide [i], but such shifts are unattested when [i] is the syllable nucleus. The paper argues that this asymmetrical shift is triggered by structural affinity which is a consequence of standard syllabification algorithm. Thus, theories of generative phonology shed light on historical shifts. The ^* velar→alveolo-palatal shift can easily be understood from the perspective of feature geometry: the high, front position of [i] palatalizes and fronts the velars. Given the structural affinity account, this is a natural process of anticipatory assimilation.
出处
《语言科学》
CSSCI
2008年第5期449-458,共10页
Linguistic Sciences
基金
广东省社科基金项目“客家方言历史层次研究”(03/04H1-09)
新加坡国立大学人文学院职员科研计划项目(C-102-000-222-091)
香港浸会大学职员科研计划项目(FRG/07-08/Ⅱ-09)的资助。
关键词
客家话
辅音音变
见组细音
音节建构
软腭音
龈腭化
Hakka dialect consonant shift front--open vowels in jian group syllabification algorithm velar Palatalization