“所有”的加合功能与全称量化

Sum Operator suǒyǒu and Universal Quantification in Chinese

本文对普通话"所有"的语义进行探讨。在对"所有"的句法分布情况进行了考察,对"所有NP"与"每NP""全NP"以及普通复数NP在句法和语义上的异同分别做了比较后,发现:虽然限定词"全"和"所有"都是加合算子并且都是强调整体的,但是"全"强调整体中没有例外,而"所有"只强调整体不看例外。量化算子"每"具有强调个体的特征,它强调个体不存在例外。其主要表现为它们对谓语的语义类型的选择不同,所获得的语义解释也有所不同。"所有NP"能与集合性谓语共现并且获得统指解,而它与具有分配性或潜在歧义的谓语的共现一般需要其他算子或者副词的支持。

This article investigates the semantics of suǒyǒu（所有） and argues that it is a sum operator,but not a quantifier. The syntactic distribution of suǒyǒu is examined first. A comparison is then made among the suǒyǒu-NP,the měi（每） -NP,the quán（全） -NP,and the plural NP to explore their syntactic and semantic similarities and differences. We find that suǒyǒu and měi have different meanings,while suǒyǒu and quán share certain properties. The quantifier měi has the individual-prominent property,emphasizing the meaning of ＂there is no exception among the individuals in question＂. The determiner quan and sugyou are both sum operators and set-prominent, with quan emphasizing that there is no exception for the whole set, whereas suoyou just the set concerned. The selections of the suoyou-NP, the mgi -NP and the quan-NP on the semantic type of the co-occurring predicate are different, leading to different interpretations. A suoyou-NP can occur with a collective predicate, getting a collective reading, whereas its co-occurrence with a distributive predicate or a predicate with potentially ambiguous interpretations usually needs the or a collective presence of other quantifiers/distributors or adverbs, giving it a distributive reading reading, accordingly.