利玛窦：因人成己被引量：5

Matteo Ricci:Shaped by the Chinese

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摘要耶稣会在华"传教策略"由范礼安构思,并由利玛窦富有创造性地予以实践。延续至18世纪的后继者们把此种策略与利玛窦密切联系在一起,称之为"利玛窦规矩"。此前,"利玛窦规矩"常被视为个人独创的结果,而忽略了中国这一他者所施加的影响。笔者则试图证明,他者在"利玛窦规矩"形成过程中的作用与利玛窦本人的活动同样重要,甚至可以说,正是他者塑造了利玛窦。没有他者,一切都无法想象。 The'Jesuit missionary strategy'in China was conceived by Alessandro Valignano,His strategy was creatively put into practice by Matteo Ricci.Later generations,well into the eighteenth century,associated this strategy with Ricci and called it the'Ricci method'.The'Ricci method'has too often been presented as the result of the proactive Self,at the neglect of the influence of the Chinese Other.I have tried to show that the role of the Other in the formation of Ricci's identity is certainly as important as the activity of Ricci's Self.One could even argue that the Other made it possible for Ricci to become who he became.Without the Other,this would not have been possible.

作者钟鸣旦代国庆(译) 林金水(审校) 吴小新(审校)

机构地区比利时鲁汶大学汉学系福建师范大学社会历史学院旧金山大学亚太中心利玛寞中西文化历史研究所

出处《学术研究》 CSSCI 北大核心 2012年第8期86-92,共7页 Academic Research

关键词利玛窦利玛窦规矩他者

分类号 K248.3 [历史地理—中国史]

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1Matteo Ricci, Della entrata della Compagnia di Gies e Christianitdt nella Cina, Macerata: Quodlibet, 2000; id., Lettere, Macerata: Quodlibet, 2001.
2For an overview of these publications, see: Ad Dudink & Nicolas Standaert, Chinese Christian Texts Database (CCT- Database) (http://www.arts.kuleuven.be/sinology/cct).
3Pasquale d'Elia (ed.), Fonti Ricciane: Storia dell' introduzione del cristianesimo in Cina, 3 vols. Rome: Libreria dello Stato, 1942-1949. (abbreviated as FR), For the English translation of the edition by N. Trigault: Louis J. Gallagher, China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journals of Matthew Ricci, 1583-1610, New York: Random House, 1953 (abbreviated as Journals).
4Johannes Bettray, Die Akkommodationsmethode des P. Matteo Ricci S.J. in China, Rome: Universitas Gregoriana, 1955.
5See e.g. Ad Dudink, "Tianzhu jiaoyao: The Catechism (1605) Published by Matteo Ricci', Sino-Western Cultural Relations Journal 24 (2002), pp. 38-50 (esp. p. 47, quoting Paul Brunner).
6This article is partly based on earlier research: N. Standaert, "Jesuit Corporate Culture as Shaped by the Chinese", in John W O'Malley et al. (eds.) , The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences, and The Arts, 1540-1773, Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 1999, pp. 352-363.
7Erik Ztircher, "The Jesuit Mission in Fujian in Late Ming Times: Levels of Response", in Edward B. Vermeer (ed.), Development otut Decline of Fukien Province in the 17th and 18th Centuries, Leiden: Brill, 1990, pp. 417-457.
8Joseph F. Schtitte, Valignanos Missionsgrunds~ze far Japan, Rome: Storia e letteratura, 1958, vol. I, chap.3 and p. 325 ff; vol. 11 p. 335 ft.; see also the book by J. Bettray, ap.cit.
9Lettere, p. 185 (Shaozhou, 10 December 1593): "un altro Seneca"; p.100 (Zhaoqing, 20 October 1585) .. "la setta epicurea" ; Paul Rule, K'ung-tzu or Confucius? The Jesuit Interpretation of Confucianism, Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1986, pp.28-29.
10Joseph Shill, "Introduction", in Matteo Ricci & Nicolas Trigault, Histoire de l'expddition chrdtienne au royaume de la Chine (1582-1610), Paris: Descl6e de Brouwer, 1978, pp. 11-59.