回汉杂居社区伊斯兰社会文化空间的构建——以滇中纳古镇为例

The Construction of Islamic Social- Cultural Space in a Mixed Community of Hui and Han——the Case of Nagu,Yunnan Province

散杂居民族地区是中国"大杂居,小聚居"民族分布格局的重要组成部分。既有的宗教地理研究关注于特定社会情境下族群或宗教团体间所发生的空间冲突和博弈,而缺乏对族际和谐交往过程中的宗教文化空间的研究。通过对滇中纳古镇一个回汉杂居社区的考察发现,不但在回族为主体的穆斯林群体内部可以形成稳定的伊斯兰社会文化空间,而且在回汉族际交往的过程中,这一社会文化空间也会得到进一步扩展,同时也形成了族际间和平共享公共空间的格局。历史时期的回族文化主体地位,当代回族经济实体的强大,以及回汉在宗教信仰上的相互尊重,都使得伊斯兰文化成为纳古社区的文化表征和化解族际之间文化隔阂的有效途径。

The cuhural space of multi ethnic residential regions is always diverse and complicat- ed, and the conflicts and integration of multi cul- tures is the main driving force in the process of constructing cultural space. The structure of this kind of culture space is not always stable or un- changeable. On one hand, the nature of cultural space is that it will exhibit new changes following with a deepening of the degree of integration among various cultures, which in turn might play an ac- tive role on the self - renewal of the cultural space. On the other hand, the dramatic cultural conflict produced from cultural misunderstandings might split the former cultural space, especially if some of the ethnic religions or belief systems are misun- derstood. In this case, ethnic or religious conflicts will be unavoidable--and, this will further influ- ence the social stability of a multi - ethnic country or region. Hence, the research on the form and the mechanism for constructing the cultural space of a multi- ethnic residential community becomes very important. The religious social space formed from the re- ligious social phenomena in an ethnic enclave is very common. However, for a multi -ethnic com- munity, in addition to the religious social space formed within an ethnic group, could it also be formed during the process of ethnic communications？ Scholarly research has paid attention to Is- lamic cultural space, for example, its material ele- ments, including mosques or salab rooms, as well as its intangible elements, including weddings, fu- nerals, food taboos, costume, etc. All this re- search focuses on the internal aspects of the Hui ethnic group, but rarely involves the special con- struction that occum during the process of ethnic communications. In the context of the reality of multi- ethnic residence , in addition to the con- flict between the sacred and secular, the competi- tion between the religious organizations and the state hegemony, there are conflicts and struggles with regard to the religious cultural space of various ethnic groups. This article takes Nagu town in Yunnan province as the field site, and investigates how I-Iui ethnic people construct Islamic cultural space in the midst of the Hui - Han communication process in a community in which both I-Iui and Han people reside. In doing so, the article will reflect a spatial construction pattern with a harmonious co- existence of different cultures. The most typical spatial characteristic of the Hui ethnic community is a settlement which takes the mosque as the core of its belief. In his research on the Hui communities in four cities of northwest China, Yang Wenjiong discovered that Hui society is actually a social structure which takes the Jamaa community as its root, including regional struc- ture, educational structure, internal ethnic - inter- nal religious marriage structure, economic -indus- trial structure and mosque self- management struc- ture that all surround the mosque. This pattern of ＂existence constructed within mobility＂ accurately outlines the internal spatial structure of the Hui community. This article interprets the internal Islamic so- cial cultural space of the Jamaat community from the family＇s identity of Islamic social cultural space from the angle of individual, and the mosque＇s i- dentity on the Islamic social cultural space from the angel of the collective. It states that the family, as the initiation place for individual belief, and al- though there are limitations on the time and space, it plays an important role to the family members＇ belief formation. The family is not only an impor- tant living space for its members, but also an im- portant space for its religious identity. With the mutual influences of the family members, this space of identity is further expanded, and forms the Nagu Hui community＇s special social pattern in which ＂if one family encounters a problem, then every family encounters a problem＂. Mosques, as important sites for Islamic religious activities, have constructed a sacred Islamic cultural space with its common role of holding rituals and religious educa- tion. Moreover, if the daily communications hap- pen in the same place, then this also helps the community residents to construct a stable social network, and construct a relatively stable social space of the Hui. In addition, this article also explores Islamic social cultural space during the process of commu- nication among the various ethnic groups in the Nagu area from three aspects. These include： pro- duction, daily life and culture. Finally, the article concludes that--From the perspective of individual presentation, the religious space is a network of re- lationships of inter - subjectivity between the self, formed from the subject＇s intended construction and the objective world. If we expand this idea to the group, then the space will form a kind of special religious cultural space due to the influence of reli- gion. Nagu town, as a community mixed with Hui and Han ethnic people, shows a spatial form which takes Islamic culture as its core. The formation of this space, on one hand, is due to the fact that the local Muslims are mostly composed of Hui people. Through family transmission, and education in the mosques, the religious identity of individuals and the collective are closely combined together. On the other hand, the symbols of Islam are con- sciously planted in the course of Hui -Han ethnic social communications, and they are interpreted as the cultural nature of the place. Thus, an Islamic cultural space which is accepted both by the Hui and Han residents is constructed. The key reason for the formation of this parti- cular cultural space in this place is its historical custom of taking the Hui culture as dominant. Firstly, the Hui in Nagu have benefited from the local agreement of ＂huihan hubao＂ （mutual protec- tion between the Hui and Han）, and avoided the tragedy of being driven away or slaughtered in the middle of the nineteenth century; Secondly, the mutual respect given to the religion and beliefs of both the Hui and Han in this place reflects the in- fluence of the Hui culture in the area. Thirdly, the economic power of the Hui＇s enterprises strengthens and promotes the prosperity of their own culture. Since period of ＂open and reform＂, the Hui of Nagu run factories and engage in business, and are always pushing the local economic development. This has provided powerful support for its cultural dominance. Even when the external grant population＂ increased, and the ＂floating mi- population of non -Muslim became two times greater than their own, the Islamic culture still showed its vigorous vitality, and even Actually, in dominant culture expanded its external space. a Hui- Han community, the always plays the leading role. The Hui in Nagu grasp the cultural pulse for local sustainable development. They know that as long as they promote religious social function correctly, cultivate habits in the daily life production mode filled with mutual trust, love, and respect between different ethnic people, and different religious groups, then, they can distinctly reduce many cul- tural misunderstandings, and avoid unnecessary ir- rational conflicts. Although some scholars state that in a Hui - Han community which is dominated by the Han people, the participation of the Hui in Han＇s religious activities or their becoming produc- tion cooperators reflects the local Hui people＇s learning the main culture of the Han consciously. However, does the stable construction mode in the sense of space mentioned in this article function as a similar agent to this phenomenon？ This needs us to make a further exploration in the future.