摘要
法国大革命之后,如何在新宪制中安置一个拥有显赫声望的建国之父,从来都是民主国家的难题。我国的1954年宪法在制订时也同样面临着这一困境:一派观点认为,"建国"只是完成共产革命的一个中间环节,那么革命领袖便应自然地转化为国家元首。另一派观点则认为,在人民主权作为一项宪法原则已被确立的前提下,将单个个体提高到最高权力的中枢就必定构成了对宪法精神的伤害,因此它必须从宪法中移除或彻底形式化。而在作为制宪者的毛泽东看来,国家主席未必是一个实质的职位,却必须拥有实质的职权;它的存在并不是为了担当政治上的"国家元首",而是在"继续革命"的意义上成为社会主义国家在"过渡时期"不偏离其路线的制度保障。在最终的宪制安排和日后的宪政实践中,拥有全国武装力量统率权和最高国务会议召集权的国家主席的确有效地实现了上述创制动机。但革命政治的延续性与日常政治的周期性之间的不匹配,最终导致了这一制度的瓦解。
A problem is generated that how to institutionalize the Founding Father with constitutional norms in a democratic regime after the French Revolution ,which triggers a fierce debate over the 1954 Consti- tution of PRC. One school of thought holds that a revolutionary leader is a state president in its essence, for that founding a state is only an intermediate tache of the communist revolution. Reversely, the other argues that the State Chairman has no place in the constitution, or must be de - substantialized, because it is harmful for con- stitutional spirit with taking one individual person as the political power center under the premise of the popular sovereignty as a constitutional principle. Yet, in the sight of Mao, the State Chairman has no need for a substan- tive position, but an authoritative power, which could be an institutional guarantee the principate, but for the fight direction of socialist state along with "the continuing revolution" in the course of Transition Period. In the final arrangement and subsequent practicing of the 1954 Constitution of PRC ,the State Chairman wins the pow- er to command the nation' s armed forces and call The Supreme State Conference, and achieves the purpose effectively. But the institution collapses ultimately for the mismatch between the continuity of revolutionary politics and the cyclicity of routine politics.
出处
《政法论坛》
CSSCI
北大核心
2015年第3期52-63,共12页
Tribune of Political Science and Law
关键词
“五四宪法”
国家主席
制宪权
毛泽东
“过渡时期”
"1954 Constitution"
the State Chairman ( Zhu Xi)
Constituent Power
Mao Zedong
Transition Period