汉语双及物结构与格转换及其广域/狭域制约原则

On Dative Alternation in Chinese Ditransitive Constructions and Its Broad-range and Narrow-range Constraining Rules

基于英、汉语跨语言的差异,文章比较了英、汉语双及物结构与格转换的广域和狭域制约原则。结果发现,汉语与格转换不能完全通过与格转换广域制约原则得到预测。普遍的连接规则在汉语致损义双宾结构的句法和语义匹配过程中将来源论元匹配至间接宾语位置,目标论元并不一定始终占据间接宾语位置。与格转换狭域制约原则规定了双及物动词进入双宾结构的能力。由于该原则存在跨语参数差异,因而英、汉语与格转换狭域原则规约的双及物动词参与与格转换的能力也存在参数差异。

The study compares the broad-range and narrow-range rules constraining the dative alternation in Chinese and English ditransitive constructions from the perspective of cross-linguistic variation. The results indicate that the dativizability of Chinese ditransi- tive constructions cannot be predicted via broad-range rules. The linking rule links the source argument to the indirect object in Chi- nese ditransitive constructions denoting deprivation semantically, which contradicts with the claim made by Pinker（1989） that goal ar- gument always occupies the indirect object position. The narrow-range rules define the ability of ditransitive verbs entering into the double object structure. Due to the parametric differences triggered by the principle, ditransitive verbs in Chinese and English differ in their dativizability.