摘要
本文以分布式形态学为理论框架,对现代汉语动结式的底层结构提出了新的分析,以此解释动结式复合词的语序及其他相关问题。本文认为动结式复合词是包含两个子事件的复杂结构,前一个动词V1表示活动,它以一个表示结果 /状态变化的事件为补足语。与前人分析不同的是,本文提出结果/状态的核心是一个表示变化的轻动词BEC,其标志语由与结果相关联的论元占据,其补足语由词根担任。该词根与轻动词一道,在后句法阶段以复合方式与V1实现形态合并,并形成活动-结果的相对语序。此外,本文还将汉语"得"字句与动结式进行比较,证明前者中"得"后的补足语部分具有大尺寸结构的典型特征,不像后者的V2那样只是词根,因而不具备复合的结构基础。
This paper provides a new analysis on the base-generated structure of the Mandarin Resultative Verb Compounds(RVC) and deals with their word order and related problems under the framework of Distributed Morphology.It argues that a RVC,as a complex structure,consists of two subevents in which activity-denoting V1 takes a change-of-state event as its complement.The paper proposes that the head denoting result/state is a light verb BEC which takes an argument related to result as its specifier and a root as its complement.The root,together with BEC,is incorporated into V1 by compounding in the post-syntactic period.The paper also makes a comparison between de(得) sentences and RVCs,showing that different from V2 which is merely a root,the constituent introduced by de is of large size and has no structural basis for compounding with the main verb.
出处
《中国语文》
CSSCI
北大核心
2016年第5期526-540,638,共15页
Studies of the Chinese Language
基金
国家社科基金项目"形态和句法关系视域下的汉语复合词生成研究"(14BYY170)和"事件句法视域下的汉语动词多重论元实现现象研究"(15BYY153)的资助