摘要
本文集中分析了"了"在序列事件语篇尾句位置上的分布情况,结果表明"顶峰"说和"焦点"说对序列事件句尾句中"了_1"分布的预测力有限。相当多谓语是动趋式和动结式的事件小句不带"了_1"直接结句,后续句主语转换是这些事件小句结句的重要动因。但是后续句主语转换对尾句是否使用"了_1"没有持续有效影响。在"了_1"可以自由隐现的条件下,"了_1"的使用反映了说话人认为该事件在特定语境下具有凸显的必要性,体现了一定的言者视角和主观性。
This paper analyses the distribution of Chinese aspect particle le (T) in the tail clauses in sequential event discourse. The study results show that both hypotheses of "peak event" and "information focus" have limitations in predicting the presence of le in the tail clauses of sequential event "sentences". A high percentage of event clauses, whose predi- cates are composed of "verb + directional complement" or "verb + resultative complement", end the sequential events "sentences" without le. It has been found that the subject shift is an important factor that can lead these event clauses to end the sequential event "sentences". However, this factor has no obvious constant effect on the presence of le in the tail clauses. On condition that le is syntactically dispensable, the use of le reflects the speaker's construal of a local event as relatively salient information in context. This signifies the speaker's perspective and subjectivity to some extent.
出处
《语言教学与研究》
CSSCI
北大核心
2018年第6期70-82,共13页
Language Teaching and Linguistic Studies
关键词
序列事件
了
隐现
顶峰说
焦点说
后续句
主语转换
sequential event
le (了)
distribution
peak event
information focus
sub-sequent clause
subject shift