汉语形容词论元结构的再分析

Reanalyzing the Argument Structure of Chinese Adjectives

对论元结构的研究一直是句法理论研究的核心问题之一。本文基于汉语语料,从句法、词汇语义和形态的角度探讨谓词性形容词的论元结构,重点考察二元形容词,提出并论证以下观点:(1)汉语一元形容词可通过句法上的施用语投射引介出一个非核心论元而构建成二元形容词,这些形容词分为两类:一类为心理形容词,施用语“对”引介出一个非核心论元,这类形容词有相应的二元心理动词;另一类为评价形容词,施用语“对”引介出一个表达受益或受损对象的非核心论元,这类形容词没有对应的动词。(2)一元形容词首先与一个抽象动词“感到”或“表现”合并形成动词短语,然后与施用语“对”合并,衍生出二元谓词性形容词。(3)表述恒定属性的形容词,不涉及任何对象,其论元结构中没有施用语投射,是典型的一元形容词。通过考察形容词做谓语的句法表现,本文深入分析了形容词的论元结构及在句法结构中引介论元的可能性和限制性,阐明了与结构关系相关联的词汇语义关系及现代汉语运用句法手段衍生新词的过程,这从一个侧面反映出汉语强分析性的参数特征。

Argument structure has long been one of the central research issues in syntactic theory. Embarking on the issues related to the syntax,lexical semantics and morphology of predicative adjectives and their argument structure,this paper examines the two-place predicative adjectives in Mandarin Chinese. We argue as follows. Firstly,via applicative( Appl) projection,a non-core argument can be introduced to one-place adjectives resulting in two-place predicative adjectives. The emerging two-place adjectives fall into two kinds: psych adjectives with a non-core argument introduced by dui( ‘for’),and evaluative adjectives with a non-core benefactive or malefactive argument also introduced by dui( ‘to ’),the former having corresponding psych verbs while the latter not.Secondly,an abstract verb gandao( ‘FEEL’) or biaoxian( ‘BEHAVE’) is existent in the structure,taking AP as its complement. The VP thus formed merges with the Appl head,yielding a two-place predicative adjective. Thirdly,adjectives expressing constant human propensity can predicate on only one entity. They,therefore,are one-place predicates which do not involve an additional participant,hence they do not allow Appl projection in the structure. By analyzing the mechanism of introducing an argument in predicative adjectives,this paper illustrates not only the structural relations associated with AP,VP,and ApplP,but also the lexical semantic relations associated with them,manifesting the derivational process of new words via syntax,which provides an important facet of the analytic feature of modern Chinese.