摘要
美国学者裴宜礼在其《上海罢工》一书中认为:来自苏北及以北地区的半技术和非技术劳工,罢工次数多但无效,主要靠乡情、性别、行会、帮会来加强团结,中共无法影响他们;有技术的南方工匠,罢工次数少但有效,其组织形式与中共相似,有政治诉求,易于接受共产党动员。但该结论无法解释上海苏北人在1925—1949年工人罢工斗争中所起的重要作用。海外学者立足于西方学术话语体系,忽视中共对苏北苦力的团结、教育和组织作用,且掌握的史料不够全面,为了自圆其说,只挑选对其立论有利的史料,未能整体把握中国革命的内在规律,其研究结论存在诸多值得商榷之处。
“Shanghai on Strike:the politics of Chinese labor”was a model of study of the New Workers History.It examines the modern Shanghai worker strike from multiple perspectives of geography,political parties and industrial politics.Semi-skilled and unskilled workers from northern Jiangsu Province and its northern regions were so closely associated with the gang that the communist party could not influent them.However,this conclusion could not explain the pioneering role which Subei male workers acted in the strike of Japanese cotton mill in 1920s.The communist workers’school was the leading force for coolie workers to get rid of the Gang and Hometown Association.In the early 1930s,cotton mill workers,rickshaw pullers,dock workers had become an important groups the CPC in Shanghai to rely on;In the 1940s,many workers’leaders from northern jiangsu province emerged.For the sake of self-justification,Perry chose only the historical materials that were favorable to her argument.To challenge existing theory;More importantly,she did not really grasp the revolution law in modern China,and her“New Workers’Historical View”was not belong to the historical materialism,so there were a lot of questionable conclusions in“Shanghai on Strike”.
出处
《社会科学》
CSSCI
北大核心
2020年第12期167-176,共10页
Journal of Social Sciences
基金
国家社科基金项目“中国共产党群众工作制度建设文献整理与研究”(项目编号:20BDJ084)
上海市哲社规划一般项目“新时代增强基层党组织群众组织力的调查与研究”(项目编号:2018BDS006)的阶段性成果。
关键词
近代上海苏北人
工人运动
政治动员
the Subei People in Modern Shanghai
Workers’Movements
Political Mobilization