无定预期、特定预期与反预期情状的多维度考察——以“竟然”“偏偏”等为例

Non-specific and specific expectations in counter-expectation situations:A case study of jingran and pianpian

反预期情状可分为反无定预期和反特定预期。“竟然P”成立的条件是存在无定预期E无定,多为隐性,可还原为类指句(generic sentences)。E无定和P呈现“反例-定型”关系。“偏偏P”成立的条件是存在E特定,可还原为意愿(desiderative)或期待(desire)等言语行为,与P形成事理逻辑上的偏反关系。言者对E无定和“竟然P”的命题态度可分别概括为“信而未认”和“认而未信”。“竟然”有叙实性,但言者对P的事实性是被动感知的,在信息领地(infor￣mation territory)和信息赋权(information entitlement)方面处于低位,与“其实P”构成鲜明对比,这表现在二者与一系列认知动词、话语标记、人称范畴的共现、排斥和可及性序列等方面。“偏偏P”言者在事理赋权(event entitlement)方面多处于低位。“竟然P”排斥从属,表现出强主句现象特征,“偏偏P”以主句为主,仅在方式义解读的条件下允准有限的从属和依存等句法操作,例如用于条件句和“驴子句”。

A division of non-specific and specific expectations(hereafter NSE and SE)exists in counter-expectation situations.In modern Chinese,propositions(hereafter P)expressing counter-expectation often involve two modal adverbs,jingran and pianpian.Jingran-P entails the existence of NSE,mostly covert and reducible to a generic sentence.Pianpian-P,on the other hand,implies and necessitates the existence of a SE,either overt/covert or partly(c)overt,which could be restored in forms of speech acts expressing intention or desire contradictory to the P.From the perspective of propositional attitude,an addressor,by uttering jingran-P,only passively acknowledges the factivity of P but does not accept it as a belief.According to the theory of information territory and information entitlement,the addressor of jingran-P is less knowledgeable toward P than those addressing counter-expectation situations marked by qishi.Besides,jingran,and partially pianpian,may indicate main clause phenomena for their speaker-oriented involvement.