基于动态语段观的显性非宾格句式的格位核查

On the Case Checking in the Surface Unaccusative Sentences from the Perspective of Dynamic Phasehood

本文基于“动态语段观”重新审视了以汉语显性非宾格句为代表的格位核查问题。本文提出,任何包含动词扩展题元域的最高层轻动词投射都应视为语段,非宾格句的动词投射也是完整语段,在其推导中词根R与v*发生外部序偶合并,取消v*的语段中心语地位及其无解φ特征,同时不存在R的拷贝继承φ特征,无法核查动后NP2的格特征,该论元只能通过远距离一致操作与T核查主格。对于二元显性非宾格句,本文主张将句首的NP1分析为“悬垂话题”,其格特征无需核查,述题部分的格核查与一元显性非宾格句保持一致。

The paper gives a new analysis of case checking of the post-verb DP,a long-debated issue for the unaccusative sentences in Mandarin Chinese.Based on the hypothesis of Dynamic Phasehood,we argue that the highest projection in the extended domain of any VP can function as a phase,contrary to Chomsky’s assumption that only CPs and transitive vPs are phases.According to our hypothesis,the unaccusative vP is also a phase since it is the highest projection in the verb domain.In the derivation of unaccusative sentences,external pair-Merge of a Root to v makes v(including itsφfeatures)invisible,cancelling its phase-head status.Since no copy of the Root can inherit theφfeatures of v,the case feature of post-verb NP2 cannot be checked and valued as Objective.The only option to check the case of NP2 is via long-distance agreement with T.As for the unaccusative sentences with NP1 and NP2,we hold that NP1 should be analyzed as a dangling topic which is free from the Case Filter and the case checking for the comment is the same as the canonical unaccusative sentences.