摘要
晋语疑问语气词“哇”并非“吧”的音变。文章探讨了中古汉语的两类新型疑问语气词,一类直接由句末否定词虚化而来,另一类由“句末否定词+疑问语气词”合音而来,并重点分析了中古汉语“麽(磨摩)”“婆”分别是“无_(1)+邪/耶/也”“不_(1)+邪/耶/也”合音形式。文章认为,晋语的“哇”为“无_(1)+邪/耶/也”的另一种演变路径,并通过音值构拟、文献用例、方言例证以及“哇”与“无_(2)”的功能比较进行论证。
The interrogative modal particle“wa(哇)”in Jin dialect is not the result of the sound change of“ba(吧)”.This paper discusses two kinds of new interrogative modal particle in middle ancient Chinese.One is directly from the grammaticalization of the negative words at the end of the sentence,and the other is from the integration of a negative word at the end of the sentence and an interrogative modal particle.The paper then focuses on the analysis of“mo(麽/磨/摩)”and“po(婆)”in middle ancient Chinese,which are respectively the integration of“wu_(1)(无_(1))”and“ya(邪/耶/也)”and“bu_(1)(不_(1))”and“ya(邪/耶/也)”.The paper holds that“wa(哇)”in Jin dialect is the result of the integration of“wu_(1)(无_(1))”and“ya(邪/耶/也)”following another path of evolution,which can be proved by the reconstruction of the pronunciation in middle ancient Chinese,cases in literature,examples in dialects and the functional comparison between“wa(哇)”and“wu_(2)(无_(2))”.
出处
《汉语学报》
CSSCI
北大核心
2022年第2期121-128,共8页
Chinese Linguistics
关键词
哇
麽(磨摩)
婆
无_(2)
合音型疑问语气词
wa(哇)
mo(麽/磨/摩)
po(婆)
wu_(2)(无_(2))
compound forms of interrogative modal particles