摘要
本文分析汉语双宾结构与动补结构之间所发生的构式同化现象,说明不同构式之间的相互作用关系。因为汉语给予类双宾结构的语义结构为“动作+终结点”,与动补结构的语义特征相符,因而被赋予一系列动补结构的句法特征。这样不仅可以解释汉语给予类和取得类双宾结构的句法不对称性,而且还可以说明广泛存在于南方方言中的特殊双宾结构的产生原因。
This paper addresses the interaction between the ditransitive and resultative constructions in Chinese by analyzing grammatical assimilations between them. The semantic structure of the “give” ditransitive construction is “action+endpoint”, similar to that of the resultative construction. As a result, the ditransitive construction has been grammatically assimilated by the resultative construction that is more frequently used and thus more basic. From this perspective, the syntactic asymmetry between the “receive” and “give” subtypes of the ditransitive construction can be successfully explained away. In addition, the present analysis can explain why there is a special type of the ditransitive construction in many southern dialects where the indirect object appears after the direct object. We claim that semantic structure plays a key role in determining syntactic behaviors of a construction, providing insights in the networks of constructions in a grammatical system.
作者
石毓智
吴王姣
SHI Yu-zhi;WU Wang-jiao
出处
《解放军外国语学院学报》
北大核心
2023年第1期1-10,160,共11页
Journal of PLA University of Foreign Languages
基金
国家社会科学基金中华学术外译项目“跨文化之桥”(21WWWB003)。