最简方案特征一致操作再探——以法语附着化为例

Reinvestigating Feature-Agree in Minimalist Program:A Case Study of French Cliticization

本文聚焦法语附着词的句法分布及其句法允准机制。前人将法语附着化的句法机制诉诸于附着词的“结构缺损”或“特征缺损”。然而,法语不同类型附着词具有不同的形态表征,且在致使结构中的分布各不相同,因此无论“结构缺损论”还是“特征缺损论”都无法对上述现象给出统一解释。本研究在生成句法理论框架下,将决定句法依存关系的特征一致操作拆分三个独立句法操作,并系统考察了法语不同类别附着词的句法分布及附着词的句法允准机制,提出了“共同决定论”:附着词的允准是其结构的不完整性与其携带的形式特征共同决定的。研究指出,附着化的根本动因是附着词的结构性缺损,而附着词的位置由附着词携带的特征内容以及三个句法操作的不同参与度决定。

This study focuses on the syntactic distribution and the licensing strategy of French clitics.Previous studies attribute cliticization in French either to structural deficiency or to feature defectivity of clitics.Nevertheless,neither of these two approaches can offer a unified explanation for the clitics'various morphological externalizations of features as well as their different distributions in the causative construction.Within the generative framework,by further dividing feature-Agree into three independent syntactic operations,the present study investigates different clitics in French,and attributes their distributions and syntactic licenses to both structural deficiency and feature defectivity.The analysis shows that cliticization is essentially triggered by the structural deficiency of clitics,while the landing site of clitics is determined by clitics'feature contents and the different applications of the three different operations.