高程度与消极因果——关中方言用于释因的“A得很”

Degree intensification and negative causation:A case study of“Adj.-dehen(得很)”in Guanzhong dialects

关中方言有两个形容词带程度补语的短语结构,本文记为“A得狠”和“A得很”,前者的焦点重音在“狠”上,语义上表属性A的高程度,语用上表感叹行为,句法上独立成句,属于“用作高程度的高程度(DEGREE qua DECREE)”类型,是一种本体义和功用义一致的自含性结构。“A得很”从前者中分化出来,属于“用作原因的高程度(DEGREE qua REASON)”类型,是一种非自含性结构,其中,焦点重音前移到形容词、甚至更前面的小主语/次话题上。与这种特异的韵律变异相应,“A得很”在语义功能上发生了转义:除了表达属性A这个本体义外,同时给A赋予新的功用义一一原因,该原因导致/解释了一个外部的、消极结果事件。消极义的根源在于对特定预期的取消。“X用作Y”这种体用离转模式对揭示汉语句间逻辑关系的编码方式类型或具启发意义。

In Guanzhong dialects,the construction"Adj.-dehen(ADJ-PARTICLE-DEGREE INTENSIFIER,‘A-D'for short)"expressing high degrees diverges into a couple of prosodically and functionally differing variants,viz."A-D_(stressed)"and"A_(stressed)-D".Withsylabic stres on the degree intensifier hen(狠/很),which is commonly attested typologiclly,"A-D_(stressed)-D"performs the canonical function of degree intensification,i.e.degree qua degree.When the preceding adjective is stressed and the intensifier hen is rendered weak through stray adjunction(rare enough typologically),"A_(stressed)-D"has to assume the semantic role of REASON for an external event either stated or implied contextually.To be concrete,this"degree-qua-reason"construction is uttered as an act of explaining normatively why an expected result is not achieved.In this sense,"Astesed-D"acts as an operator for negative causation.