青海甘沟话由“给”标记的增宾结构及其扩展结构

Applicative and Related Extended Constructions Marked by Gei给"Give"in the Gangou Dialect of Chinese in Qinghai Province

青海民和甘沟话处在汉语与阿尔泰语系语言深度接触的环境中,动词形态较普通话更为复杂。甘沟话可以通过在动词后添加形态标记“给”进行增价派生,派生后的结构增引一个语义上的外围论元作宾语,属于双系结构(applicative construction)的次类,即增宾结构。甘沟话的增宾结构可以增引接受者、受益者、目标三类语义上的外围论元。受三类典型增宾结构影响,标记“给”类推扩展进入其他一些语义相关、表层形式相近的结构中,增宾结构及其扩展结构的语义限制为[+给予]。甘沟话增宾结构的形成是接触导致的SOV语序与汉语语法系统内部协调的结果。与甘沟话有明确接触关系的土族语民和方言受甘沟话增宾结构影响,致使后缀-gha发生了功能扩展,这显示了接触对语法系统影响的双向性。

The Gangou dialect of Chinese in Minhe county of Qinghai province is spoken in an environment where Chinese and Altaic languages have deep contact,thence its verbal morphology is more complicated than Mandarin.A valency-increasing derivation can be proceeded via adding the clitic gei给"give"after verbs,and the derived constructions allow the coding of a thematically peripheral argument as a core-object.These constructions constitute a subtype(quasi-applicatives)of applicative constructions.The quasi-applicative constructions in the Gangou dialect can introduce three types of peripheral arguments,viz.recipient,benefiaciary,and goal.Affected by the three typical quasi-applicative constructions,the marker gei has expanded into some contructions which are semantically related and structurally similar with the applicatives.The meaning of"GIVE"sets a limit on the semantic scope of all these constructions marked by gei.The applicative constructions of the Gangou dialect show a regular similarity to related expressions in the Minhe dialect of the Tuzu language,or Mangghuer,but the formation of these constructions is mainly the result of internal coordination between the Chinese grammar system and the basic word order of SOV.Meanwhile,under the influence of the applicative constructions in the Gangou dialect,the causative suffix-gha in the Minhe dialect of the Tuzu language has extended its functions.These phenomena reveal that contact-induced influences work both ways on contact languages.