摘要
本文通过对“之”“所”“者”三种有标记关系小句在上古和中古汉语时期使用情况的考察,发现关系标记“所”“者”的使用频率和功能在中古时期发生了明显变化。这些变化具有类型学上的意义:一是汉语有标记关系小句在中古时期产生了由优先提取主语到优先提取宾语的变化;二是汉语的有标记关系小句由先秦时期的基本无核发展为汉代以后的渐趋有核。最后简单讨论了中古汉语有标记关系小句的发展与近代汉语结构助词“底”的关系。
Through the investigation of the three marked relative clauses of zhi(之),suo(所)and zhe(者)in ancient Chinese,the study reveals that the frequency and function of the relational markers suo(所)and zhe(者)have changed signifi cantly in Middle Chinese.These changes have typological signifi cance.First,there was a shift in Middle Chinese from prioritizing subject extraction to prioritizing object extraction in marked relative clauses;Second,the marked relative clauses in Chinese have developed from being headless relative clauses in the pre-Qin period to becoming gradually headed relative clauses after the Han Dynasty.Finally,it briefl y discusses the relationship between the development of marked relative clauses in Middle Chinese and the structural auxiliary word di(底)in Modern Chinese.
出处
《汉字汉语研究》
2024年第3期78-92,127,共16页
The Study Of Chinese Characters And Language
基金
河南省哲学社会科学规划项目“中古汉语中土文献与佛经文献定中结构对比研究”(2021BYY001)的阶段性成果。
关键词
中古汉语
有标记关系小句
频率
功能
类型学
Middle Chinese
The Marked Relative Clauses
Frequency
Function
Typology