摘要
汉语中存在一类违反马真、陆俭明(1997)提出的规律的动结句式,其主语所指是承载变化结果的主体,结语指向主语,然而在VR复合谓语后携带"宾语"。这一宾语是动词V在底层时携带的,因完整表达动作事件的需要提升至表层结构,置于变元移走后的空位上。它并非动结句式的宾语,在其中没有句法论元的名分。本文论述这类动结式的构成、性质及其语法语义限制,兼论马陆规律背后的理据。
With'object'after the compound predicate VR,a type of internally-caused VR sentences in Chinese violates the rule postulated by Ma&Lu(1997).In these sentences,the referent of S undergoes the result of change and is predicated of by the R component.The'object'belongs to the underlying V and is raised to the surface structure in conveying the complete meaning of the causing event.It occupies the O position left empty by the THEME,but does not merit a syntactic argument status of the surface structure.This paper is aimed to elaborate the composition,characteristics and constraints of these VR sentences,and elucidate the motivations behind the Ma&Lu rule as well.
出处
《解放军外国语学院学报》
CSSCI
北大核心
2019年第1期66-73,160,共9页
Journal of PLA University of Foreign Languages