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从加勒万河谷冲突看印度陆锁式安全思维困局 被引量:14
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作者 胡仕胜 王珏 刘传玺 《印度洋经济体研究》 CSSCI 2020年第4期1-23,156,共24页
加勒万河谷冲突错在印度,偶然中有其必然性。这场冲突是印度陆锁式安全思维与实践的最新折射。陆锁式安全思维与实践主要源于印度执迷于追求“绝对安全边界”。这一思维发端自印度精英层内心深处对“安全缺口”的历史记忆,熏陶自印度教... 加勒万河谷冲突错在印度,偶然中有其必然性。这场冲突是印度陆锁式安全思维与实践的最新折射。陆锁式安全思维与实践主要源于印度执迷于追求“绝对安全边界”。这一思维发端自印度精英层内心深处对“安全缺口”的历史记忆,熏陶自印度教传统文化,承继自诸如“前进政策”“缓冲区”“科学边界”甚至“天然屏障”等大英帝国的殖民遗产。然而,“绝对安全”越追求越不可得。即使“印太战略”框架下的安全合作搞得再好,也难以助力于解决陆上安全问题。唯有在周边地区坚持合作共赢安全观、秩序观,才是新德里摆脱陆锁式安全困局的最佳路径。 展开更多
关键词 加勒万冲突 中印关系 边界问题
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联通喜马拉雅 对接“一带一路”——对建设中尼印经济走廊的思考 被引量:9
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作者 胡仕胜 《印度洋经济体研究》 2017年第2期1-40,137-138,共41页
中国政府的"一带一路"倡议本身就孕育着中尼印经济走廊这样的次区域合作种子,而尼泊尔2015年"4·25"大地震更是催生出这样的强烈需求。尽管中尼印三国政府尚未认真磋商共建经济走廊事宜,但学界早已探讨。本文... 中国政府的"一带一路"倡议本身就孕育着中尼印经济走廊这样的次区域合作种子,而尼泊尔2015年"4·25"大地震更是催生出这样的强烈需求。尽管中尼印三国政府尚未认真磋商共建经济走廊事宜,但学界早已探讨。本文着重强调中尼印经济走廊建设能够满足六大需求的重要意义,即填补跨喜马拉雅区域发展洼地的需求、平衡推进中国与南亚互联互通的需求、对外转移中国产能的需求、稳步推进中印"更加紧密的发展合作伙伴关系"的需求、陆海对接中国"一带一路"建设的需求以及尝试突破南亚地缘安全困局的需求。对于中尼印三国而言,推进经济走廊建设时机已成熟。一方面,尼泊尔政治转型几近完成,为经济走廊建设提供了政治保障;另一方面,中印两国已为经济走廊建设奠定了良好的基础。经济走廊建设将极大地发挥尼泊尔地处两大市场之间的地缘优势,盘活文化资源、世界第二丰富的水力资源以及青藏高原的独特人文旅游资源等。然而,中尼印经济走廊建设不会一蹴而就,将不得不克服诸多挑战,如来自印度传统地缘政治思维的干扰、印度市场保护主义的干扰、各种非传统安全威胁的干扰。鉴于此,在推进经济走廊建设的过程中,中印尼三国尤其是中国要有足够耐心与定力,要通盘考量,既要考虑尼泊尔的承受力与接受度,也要考虑印度的敏感性与承受力。在逆全球化现象日益明显、自由贸易陷入低迷、保护主义与民粹主义大行其道的今天,中印两个东方大国有理由、有义务主动担当,填补因美欧等西方国家的收缩甚至退出而形成的区域合作空白,为地区发展提供更多公共产品与资源,拟议中的中尼印经济走廊建设既能极大地带动本区域的整体发展,又能充分展示中印两国"负责任新兴大国"形象。 展开更多
关键词 中国 尼泊尔 中尼印经济走廊 “一带一路”
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Communication,Cooperation and Challenges:A Roadmap for Sino-Indian Engagement in Afghanistan
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作者 Raffaello Pantucci Ravi Sawhney +1 位作者 hu shisheng Emily Winterbotham 《Contemporary International Relations》 2016年第2期40-72,1,共33页
Nearly one year into the so-called "decade of transformation", Afghanistan is plagued by challenging circumstances. The government of national unity continues to be weak, the economy has failed to deliver on its pro... Nearly one year into the so-called "decade of transformation", Afghanistan is plagued by challenging circumstances. The government of national unity continues to be weak, the economy has failed to deliver on its promise and an increasingly fractured insurgency is making inroads in parts of the country previously believed to be stable. Addressing these pressing concerns requires a concerted effort by Afghanistan's international partners in support of the Afghan government. NATO, Western and, most significantly, US engagement in Afghanistan will continue. The American announcement to extend military engagement beyond December 2016 is a reflection of growing concern in Washington about the deteriorating security situation on the ground. But the economy is still failing to deliver much promise, with a continuing exodus of currency as well as brain drain further weakening the economy. Major mining prospects, perceived to be the economic bulwark upon which a sustainable Afghan economy could be built, have to date failed to deliver on their initial promise. 展开更多
关键词 合作伙伴 阿富汗 路线图 对中 民族团结 经济 挑战性 政府
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A Roadmap for Sino-Indian Cooperation in Afghanistan
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作者 hu shisheng Raffaello Pantucci Ravi Sawhney 《Contemporary International Relations》 2014年第3期16-28,4,共13页
As NATO and Western powers begin to take a backseat in Afghanistan's future,one of the most pressing questions is what role the region can play in helping Afghanistan to become a prosperous and stable nation.Numerous... As NATO and Western powers begin to take a backseat in Afghanistan's future,one of the most pressing questions is what role the region can play in helping Afghanistan to become a prosperous and stable nation.Numerous efforts are already underway through multilateral and bilateral forums,yet the key to regional cooperation for Afghanistan' s future lies through closer interaction between Beijing and New Delhi.Drawing on a research project spanning a number of workshops in Beijing,New Delhi and Qatar and involving influential thinkers and experts from China,India,the UK and Afghanistan,this paper will try to map out specific ideas that policymakers in Beijing and New Delhi can explore as avenues of cooperation.Post-2014 Afghanistan will remain a major regional concern for at least the short to medium term.The earlier China and India can develop workable collaborative undertakings,the sooner they can forge a stable and prosperous neighbourhood. 展开更多
关键词 区域合作 阿富汗 路线图 新德里 北京 卡塔尔 决策者 稳定
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Looking at the 2015 South Asia Regional Hot-spots
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作者 hu shisheng Zeng Qiang 《Contemporary International Relations》 2015年第2期39-46,共8页
The regional hotspots of South Asia in 2015 may be looked at from two angles.In the first place,the reconstruction process in Afghanistan has run into serious difficulties,with several major transitions'uncomplete... The regional hotspots of South Asia in 2015 may be looked at from two angles.In the first place,the reconstruction process in Afghanistan has run into serious difficulties,with several major transitions'uncompleted,'casting ambiguity on the future of the Kabul regime.In 2014,Afghanistan,together with the international community,tried hard to advance its political,economic and security reconstructions.Although some achievements have been made,the three transitions have not been completed,leaving'unfinished projects'for 2015.First,in security,despite the fact that the Afghanistan War,led by the U.S.and NATO,was over,the chaos that has ensued from this war is 展开更多
关键词 南亚地区 重建过程 国际社会 阿富汗 热点区 喀布尔
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印度莫迪政府对华产业替代政策
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作者 胡仕胜 王珏 《Contemporary International Relations》 2023年第1期51-72,共22页
Since 2020,the Modi government has sought to implement the policy of industrial substitution for China as an important approach to economic autonomy and industrial rejuvenation.Based on the Modi government’s industri... Since 2020,the Modi government has sought to implement the policy of industrial substitution for China as an important approach to economic autonomy and industrial rejuvenation.Based on the Modi government’s industrial policy practices,its substitution policy for Chinese industries comprises three parts.A favorable domestic political ecology,an encouraging geostrategic environment,and a relatively solid industrial foundation provide the Modi government with the conditions and confidence to implement this policy.Nevertheless,owing to the conservatism of India’s domestic political culture,expediency in helping and appeasing India by the US,reversal of economic globalization,and sustainability of China’s industrial policy to break new ground,Modi’s substitution policy for Chinese industries has found limited success.However,considering India’s substantial economic size and the strategic support of the US and other developed nations in the West,the Modi government’s substitution policy for Chinese industries can still disrupt China’s efforts to build and maintain a healthier production chain. 展开更多
关键词 INDIA China Made in India production chain industrial substitution
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The Behavioral Logic behind India’s Tough Foreign Policy toward China
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作者 hu shisheng Wang Jue 《Contemporary International Relations》 2020年第5期37-65,共29页
Conflict between India and China at the Galwan Valley has brought their bilateral relations to the lowest point since the border war in 1962.Although this conflict appeared incidental,it in fact was the inevitable res... Conflict between India and China at the Galwan Valley has brought their bilateral relations to the lowest point since the border war in 1962.Although this conflict appeared incidental,it in fact was the inevitable result of India's tough foreign policy featuring"high risk,high yield"pursued by the Modi administration toward China.The subsequent measures of India's tough diplomacy toward China have become more frequent,reflecting both a desire to seek revenge and a deep level of India's logic.Such logic considers not only the policy inertia of India's long-term pursuit of absolute security and dominance in the regional order.but also the intention of Modi's government to overtake China by taking advantages of India's favorable external strategic environment.The existing structural contradictions in China-India relations and the right-leaning tendencies in India's domestic political ecology have laid the groundwork for this conflict to occur and for the Modi administration to pursue a tough foreign policy toward China.This conflict has once again shown the rapid decay of the existing operational mechanism and architecture of thei bilateral relations,which can no longer smooth over the complex interactions between the two major emerging neighbors.As a result,the moment has arrived for China and India to restructure their relations,otherwise their relationship can hardly be continued. 展开更多
关键词 conflict at the Galwan Valley India-China relationship India's tough foreign policy toward China Modi administration
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Reflections on Changes to the International Order
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作者 hu shisheng Xing Haibing 《Contemporary International Relations》 2014年第4期17-22,共6页
The current international order,especially regionally speaking,is chaotic,with the following four main features:First,the great game between the U.S.and China is the key driver behind contemporary changes to the inter... The current international order,especially regionally speaking,is chaotic,with the following four main features:First,the great game between the U.S.and China is the key driver behind contemporary changes to the international order.Both China and the U.S.are big powers with global influence:One is the biggest 展开更多
关键词 国际关系 国际问题 国际组织 国家安全
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Afghan Reconstruction: Regional Challenges and Responsibilities
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作者 hu shisheng 《Contemporary International Relations》 2012年第C00期9-19,共11页
The reconstruction of Afghanistan has been gathering momentum since March 2009 when the U.S. President Barack Obama's administration first announced its Afghanistan-Pakistan especially true since July 1st, 2011, (AF... The reconstruction of Afghanistan has been gathering momentum since March 2009 when the U.S. President Barack Obama's administration first announced its Afghanistan-Pakistan especially true since July 1st, 2011, (AFPAC) Strategy.lThis has been when U.S. troops began first withdrawing from Afghanistan. 展开更多
关键词 国际关系 外交 外交政策 国际问题
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China's Relations with South Asia
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作者 hu shisheng 《Contemporary International Relations》 2007年第1期80-91,共12页
Currently, since regional arrangements or multilateral arrangements between China and South Asia as a whole are still at an early stage, bilateral relations between China and South Asia are mainly country specific. In... Currently, since regional arrangements or multilateral arrangements between China and South Asia as a whole are still at an early stage, bilateral relations between China and South Asia are mainly country specific. In 2006, there 展开更多
关键词 中国 南亚 经济 国际关系
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India’s National Security Strategy:Pursuits,Origins,and Practice
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作者 hu shisheng Wang Jun 《Contemporary International Relations》 2022年第6期118-145,共28页
India has upheld extremely rich practices of national security since its founding as a republic because of its unique geo-environmental features, historical legacies, and traditional cultures, which reflect a type of ... India has upheld extremely rich practices of national security since its founding as a republic because of its unique geo-environmental features, historical legacies, and traditional cultures, which reflect a type of national security strategy that has distinct Indian characteristics. Generally, successive governments in India have followed the basic principles articulated in Kautilya’s Arthasastra and various security practices adopted during the British Raj. India’s national security strategies are based on an internal logic of geopolitical rivalry and changes in international scenarios, and they are strongly influenced by Hindu traditions and the “Sad-Dharma” purported by King Ashoka. The objective is to create an India-dominated security order in the South Asian subcontinent, which persistently builds its capacity and system as a “net security provider” in the Indian Ocean Rim. Moreover, India is vigorously expanding its network of influence in the Pacific region in an effort to become a world leading power that enjoys a high level of strategic autonomy. 展开更多
关键词 INDIA national security strategy strategic autonomy
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The Doklam Standoff Crisis and the Future of Sino-Indian Relations
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作者 hu shisheng 《Contemporary International Relations》 2018年第1期125-163,共39页
Doklam Standoff, a crisis of Sino-Indian bilateral relations, was a large-scale military deployment between China and India. The crisis reflects the newly forming distrust between the two countries that led to an outb... Doklam Standoff, a crisis of Sino-Indian bilateral relations, was a large-scale military deployment between China and India. The crisis reflects the newly forming distrust between the two countries that led to an outburst as a result of a series of conflicts over the past two years, which signifies that Sino-Indian relations are entering a new stage characterized by increasingly obvious structural conflict. On the surface, the Modi Administration designed the crisis to stop China from building border infrastructure, to pursue its own absolute security, to maintain South Asian order dominated by India, and to consolidate the basis of strategic cooperation among India, the United States and Japan. Ultimately, however, the British buffer zone theory, the Mandala theory, the Brahmin supremacy theory in traditional Indian culture and the US Monroe Doctrine have also shaped the mindset and behavioral patterns of the Modi Administration. Under the influence of seeking absolute security and its strategic culture, as well as the strong desire to be a great power, the assertive Modi Administration has obviously strengthened its precautionary measures and hostilities toward China. The relations between the two countries are becoming tense. In order to achieve the goal of "dragon and elephant dancing together", and to avoid the recurrence of crises like the Doklam Standoff, the two sides have to adhere to the two basic principles of viewing each other as opporttmities for development instead of threats to each other. The mindset of a zero-sum game should be abandoned, and efforts should be made to co-found mutual respect and win-win cooperation in areas of common interest. 展开更多
关键词 the Doklam Standoff CRISIS Sino-Indian relations
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印度对华示强外交的行为逻辑 被引量:23
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作者 胡仕胜 王珏 《现代国际关系》 CSSCI 北大核心 2020年第7期25-34,60,共11页
印中加勒万河谷冲突使两国关系跌至1962年边界战争以来的最低谷。此次冲突看起来具有偶然性,实则是莫迪政府对华奉行示强外交、追求"高风险高收益"政策效果的一种必然结果。其后印度对华示强外交的举措更加频密,带有寻机报复... 印中加勒万河谷冲突使两国关系跌至1962年边界战争以来的最低谷。此次冲突看起来具有偶然性,实则是莫迪政府对华奉行示强外交、追求"高风险高收益"政策效果的一种必然结果。其后印度对华示强外交的举措更加频密,带有寻机报复的直接考量,更有其深层逻辑。其中,既有印度常年追求"绝对安全"与主导地区秩序的政策惯性,也有莫迪政府有意利用外部战略环境利好谋求对华"变道超车"的发展路径选择。印中关系中原有的结构性矛盾以及印国内政治生态的右倾色彩则为该冲突及莫迪政府对华示强外交预置了底色。此次冲突再次表明,两国关系现有运行机制与架构效能衰减,难以平稳运转两个毗邻新兴大国之间的复杂互动,中印关系到了非重构而难以重启的关口。 展开更多
关键词 加勒万河谷冲突 印中关系 印度对华示强外交 莫迪政府
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印度莫迪政府“对华产业替代”政策 被引量:5
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作者 胡仕胜 王珏 《现代国际关系》 CSSCI 北大核心 2022年第11期42-50,60,共10页
2020年以来,莫迪政府大力推进“对华产业替代”政策,以作为其“经济自主”“产业兴国”的重要路径。基于莫迪政府的产业政策实践,其“对华产业替代”政策至少由三大部分组成,即以“生产关联激励计划”为代表的产业政策、以全球范围内寻... 2020年以来,莫迪政府大力推进“对华产业替代”政策,以作为其“经济自主”“产业兴国”的重要路径。基于莫迪政府的产业政策实践,其“对华产业替代”政策至少由三大部分组成,即以“生产关联激励计划”为代表的产业政策、以全球范围内寻求“中国替代品”及签订新双边自贸协定为代表的经贸政策,以及以融入美西方创新链和价值链为代表的新经济政策。有利的国内政治生态、优越的地缘战略环境以及相对完备的产业发展基础为莫迪政府实施“对华产业替代”提供了有利条件。尽管如此,受限于印国内政治文化的保守性、美西方帮助抚慰印度的权宜性、经济全球化的逆动性以及中国产业政策守正创新的持续性,莫迪政府“对华产业替代”实效有限。但考虑到印度庞大的经济规模以及美西方等发达经济体的战略拉拢,莫迪政府的“对华产业替代”政策仍能对中国产业链建设构成干扰。 展开更多
关键词 印度 中国 印度制造 产业链 产业替代
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印度国家安全战略:诉求、成因与实践 被引量:6
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作者 胡仕胜 王君 《国家安全研究》 2022年第4期31-51,176-177,共23页
基于地缘环境、历史经纬以及文化传承,印度建国以来的国家安全实践极其丰富,且折射出独具特色的国家安全战略。总体上,印度历届政府依循考底利耶《政事论》所蕴含的国家安全基本理念,承继英印殖民政府时期推行的诸多国家安全实践,立足... 基于地缘环境、历史经纬以及文化传承,印度建国以来的国家安全实践极其丰富,且折射出独具特色的国家安全战略。总体上,印度历届政府依循考底利耶《政事论》所蕴含的国家安全基本理念,承继英印殖民政府时期推行的诸多国家安全实践,立足地缘博弈的内在逻辑与国际时局的现实变化,并佐以印度教传统文化和阿育王“正法”思想的浸润,着力打造新德里对南亚次大陆安全秩序的垄断性权力架构,持续推进环印度洋水域“净安全提供者”的能力与体系建设,不断拓展其在太平洋地区的影响力网络,力争使印度成为一个享有高度“战略自主”的“世界领导型力量”。 展开更多
关键词 印度 国家安全战略 战略自主
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India’s Obsession With ‘Absolute Security’
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作者 hu shisheng 《Beijing Review》 2017年第35期24-26,共3页
In terms of the Indian troops' crossing into the Chinese territory of Donglang and their faceoff with Chinese border guards, the Indian Government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi has made three ma- jor mistakes:
关键词 印度政府 安全 中国境内 中国边境
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The Main Features of and Response to The Current Asian Security Situation
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作者 hu shisheng 《Peace》 2015年第1期55-63,共9页
I.The Main Features of the Current Asian Security Situation The strategic game between China and the United States becomes the most powerful driving force to change the Asian traditional security situation.The United ... I.The Main Features of the Current Asian Security Situation The strategic game between China and the United States becomes the most powerful driving force to change the Asian traditional security situation.The United States has tried its best to delay China’s rising pace or"to standardize"China’s rising path by using its huge military advantage and forward military deployment and strengthening its security network of alliance and friends,so as to maintain its dominant position 展开更多
关键词 MILITARY FRIENDS cooperation DEPLOYMENT MAINTAIN I
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A Handshake Across the Himalayas
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作者 hu shisheng Zhong Bing 《Qiu Shi》 2013年第4期102-106,共5页
关键词 喜马拉雅山脉 中国政府 总理李 印度 国务院 领导人
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