China-U.S.Relations in Global Energy Governance

This paper analyzes the development of the U.S.and the global energy governance mechanism,and the development and characteristics of China’s participation in the global energy governance mechanism.China’s participation in global energy governance has undergone a process from edge to the center.In this process,China has gradually shifted from a passive follower of global energy governance rules to an active participant in governance and shaping rules.The paper also analyzes the causes of friction and conflict in China-U.S.energy security relations from the aspects of differences in energy security concepts,conflicts between conservative and rising powers,and the struggle between regulation and anti-regulation.The promotion of China’s G20,the Brazil,Russia,India,China,and South Africa(BRICS),the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO),the Asian Investment Bank,the Silk Road Fund,and the United States’system conformity together constitute the basic situation of China-U.S.institutional competition in the field of energy finance.Finally,the paper point out that China and the United States explore institutional arrangements for energy and achieve mutual benefit and win-win results through benign interaction.

Promoting China-U.S.Arctic education cooperation:challenges,opportunities and recommendations

Arctic education refers not only to the teaching,but also to research,communication,dissemination as well as popularization of knowledge related to the Arctic.This article reviews joint efforts between Chinese and American educators and researchers to promote cooperation and understanding in Arctic education and research,and examines the facing challenges of China-U.S.Arctic education cooperation which include current political or economic tensions between the two countries,the differing perspectives and priorities on Arctic policy,the disproportion in Arctic scientific research,different research methodologies and discourse system in social science.This article also argues that there are opportunities for the two countries to cooperate in Arctic education.Common goals and interests in the Arctic,Arctic-dedicated institutions with significant Arctic research capabilities and partnerships around the world provide foundations for Arctic education cooperation.The implementation of a new science-based Arctic treaty of the Arctic Council is an opportunity for China-U.S.Arctic education cooperation.As for future cooperation,it suggests that in addition to promoting the direct bilateral cooperation,cooperation within international cooperation platforms and mechanisms,especially within the Arctic Council also needs to be further promoted.

Reciprocity Relation between Alternative Gravity Formulas

We compare Newton’s force law of universal gravitation with a corrected simple approach based on Bhandari’s recently presented work, where the gravitation constant G is maintained. A reciprocity relation exists between both alternative gravity formulas with respect to the distances between mass centers. We conclude a one-to-one mapping of the two gravitational formulas. We don’t need Einstein’s construct of spacetime bending by matter.

From Strategic Ambiguity to Strategic Clarity——Obama Administration’s Global Strategic Adjustments and China-U.S.Relations

Since the end of the Cold War,the United States has turned out to be the sole world superpower and possessed the unmatched power,and its international status and security situation reached the best period in its history.Although the U.S.power has declined relatively,its advantages have not changed substantially.The advantages of the U.S.power determine the essence of the U.S.global strategy,and since the end of the Cold War remains almost intact,which is committed to maintenance of the U.S.hegemony,including 3 core goals:maintaining security,expanding economy and promoting democracy.Since the end of the Cold War,all U.S.presidents have adhered to this hegemonic strategy while making some major adjustments,with some changing expressions and the priorities of the strategic goals.It should be pointed out that there is an important and possibly dangerous trend in the adjustments,,which is the gradual disappearance of strategic flexibility and strategic ambiguity.In other words,these global strategic adjustments after the Cold War have been increasingly focusing on China and the Asia-Pacific region.This trend is likely to continue in the second term of President Obama and will affect the development of China-U.S.relations to a large extent.

The Underlying Motivations and Long-Term Trends of the US Decoupling of China-US Science and Technology Relations

Since 2018,the US government has adopted a range of restrictive measures on China-US science and technology exchange,as it strives for a decoupling strategy against China.This strategy has brought about historic change in China-US science and technology relations.The US government has set out to obstruct the free flow of technology,data,capital,markets,and talents between China and the United States,thereby changing the basic rationale of China-US science and technology cooperation.The US has multiple underlying motivations for implementing this strategy including recognizing the security threats posed by China’s cutting-edge technology development,treating China as a competitor in global science and technology diplomacy,prompting the backflow of the technological industrial chain,and the strengthened industrial competition between the two countries.Decoupling is one of the competition strategies of the United States.It is aimed at ensuring a favorable position for their national innovation systems,particularly in China-US competition.However,the limitations of the decoupling strategy may not allow the US to achieve what it desires.These limitations also provide space for the two countries to ease their competitive relationship.

China-US Trade Relations:Win-Win Picture Distorted

At present China-U.S.trade relations are in a state of confusion.Although both countries have gained tremendous benefits from the bilateral trade relationship,some Americans have intentionally distorted some basic facts regarding China-U.S.trade relations. Based on an analysis of some official and nonofficial research reports published in the United States,this article holds that the China-U.S.trade imbalance is the symptom of a bigger issue stemming from the contradiction between the United States as the world's sole superpower and China as an emerging power.Economic globalisation came about due to the needs of western developed countries represented by the United States to boost economic development.Only by seizing the opportunities of economic globalisation, has China gained strong economic growth. Such a development is changing the world political,economic,military and cultural landscape that have been shaped since the post-cold-war era,and has to some extent raised doubt or suspicion on the part of the United States and its western allies.This is a manifestation of how unprepared some people in the United States and other western countries are in the face of China's rapid development and rising status.So,their immediate reaction has been to seek protection for themselves,and try their utmost to prevent China's rapid growth from impacting on the international framework and their vested interests.

Trumponomics and China-US Economic and Trade Relations

Since he took office, the new US president, Donald Trump, has unveiled his broad economic policy--now called Trumponomics. It emphasizes neoliberalism at home, less government regulations, more growth and weakening the welfare state. Intemationally, Trumponomics embraces protectionism and nativism with a focus on US economic interests. Trumponomics caters to the lower-middle classes, a reflection of the country＇s current economic and diplomatic challenges. Trumponomics will bring uncertainty to China-US economic and trade relations. China should carefully study the policies of the Trump administration and prepare contingency plans.

Expectations for Future China-U.S. Relations

The heads of state of China and the U.S. reached a consensus in Osaka at the end of June, agreeing to restart trade negotiations on the basis of equality and mutual respect. The U.S. side stated that it would no longer impose new tariffs on Chinese imports, sending a positive sign of the U.S.-China relationship to the international community. On July 3, the Washington Post published an open letter signed by 100 people from the academic, diplomatic, military, and business circles of the U.S. to President Trump and the U.S. Congress, affirming that the consensus is the intention of the two peoples and is in line with the expectations of the international community. The decline in U.S.- China relations is not in line with U.S. and global interests, and China is not an enemy of the U.S., nor does China pose a threat to U.S. national security.

US Competitive Policy toward China and Transformation of China-US Relations

The door to strategic competition between China and the US has opened under the Trump administration, whose strategy, policy and tactics toward China create a grim picture for bilateral relations in the short run. However, the relations in the long term depend both on the state of interplay between various parties in the US, and more importantly on China’s influence and response.

Thoughts on Current China-U. S. Relations

Aheated debate arose on the nature of China-U. S. relations among scholars inthe two countries. Are the two "strategic partners"? "Competitors"? "Neitherfriends nor enemies"? Or even "Potential enemies"? But largely since 1997, alongwith the establishment of the framework for "a constructive strategic partnership",the definition seems to has been accepted by the mainstream in the Chinese academ-ic circle. By contrast, Governor George. W. Bush, the Republican

A Review of China-US Economic and Trade Relations (2007-2015)

In order to find indications for future bilateral relations, it is worth reviewing the development of China-US economic and trade relations in recent history. Generally speaking, the nine years between 2007 and 2015 saw non-stop progress in China and US trade and economic ties. The China-US interdependent and complementary economic and trade connections ensure that bilateral relations are constantly developing and merging following their interdependent paths;the global challenges, such as the financial crisis and recent extreme weather events, have allowed China and the US to be in the same boat,weathering these different forms of turbulence. Decisions on important domestic policies and disputes can now be discussed earlier and effectively following on from the construction of multi-dimensional crisis management mechanisms. But undeniably there are unsettled and conflicting points in their relations, such as the fact that the US strategically excludes China from its free trade agenda, not willing to accept many everyday items manufactured by China. This is a major obstacle preventing their relationships deepening. History tells us, in future, if both sides could have a bigger vision, relations would better develop, for the new type of major power relations and the subsequent road would be less rocky and bring more benefits for the peoples of both countries.

A New Model of China-US Big Power Relations： A Symbolic Sign in Foreign Affairs

To cope with the current crisis and tensions full-filled China-US relationship, Chinese President Xi Jinping put forward the concept of building a new model of China-US big power relations, which the US agrees. Yet the new model won a heated discussion. In China this new model was evaluated positively and optimistically, while in the US it was perceived as a strategic challenge or even a threat. In the present article, the author proposes that this new model of China-US big power relations is more like a symbolic sign in foreign affairs rather than a strategic challenge or a threat or an effective and workable mechanism at this moment, and meanwhile analyses this view from diachronic and semiotic perspectives. The analyses reveal that the new model functions as a symbolic sign, signifying to the world that conceptually the two big powers have a good and harmonious relationship.

China-US Relations in the Trump Era

To the astonishment of the whole world,against the protest of the American elites,Donald Trump won the presidential election of 2016.Whether you like him or not,President Trump will usher in a new era.Will he fulfill all the promises of the campaign?Will he'make America great again'?Will

An Analysis of Cyberspace Rule-Making in China-U.S. Relations

As an established power and a rising power respectively, the U.S. and China have profound impacts on the development of cyberspace. The foundation of cyberspace governance is to constrain the behavior of every international actor with effective norms. Therefore, cyberspace rule-making has an important implication in China-U.S. relations and it is necessary for both sides to formulate cyberspace norms under mutually acceptable concepts. Besides, the ideas of＂a new type of major power relations＂ and ＂a community with a shared future for mankind＂ provide theoretical foundation for cyberspace rule-making. In the short term, the establishment of norms can be promoted by negotiating limited issues, which could be called a low-level path. In the long run, they will reach informal mechanism which can be called a middle-level path, as well as formal mechanism of mutual recognition which can be seen as a high-level path, promoting the enforcement of cyberspace norms. Besides, ＂Track Two Diplomacy＂ and ＂Track 1.5 Diplomacy＂ also benefit the process of cyberspace rule-making negotiations.

Progress Made on China-U.S.Trade Relationship at the 22nd JCCT Session

China and the United States concluded the 22nd session of the U.S.-China Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade (JCCT) on November 21 in Chengdu, China. Chinese Vice Premier Wang Qishan cochaired the two-day meeting with U.S. Secretary of Commerce John Bryson and U.

China-U.S. Relations and International Trade

Dr.Elliot Feldman on April 15,2010 presented the following speech at AmCham-China's Conference of the Asia-Pacific Council of American Chambers of Commerce(APCAC).With his kind approval,China Textile publishes his study and views focused on the title as captioned above.The article expresses the author's own stance.

AR、SKP2、SOX10、PD-L1及TIL表达在三阴性乳腺癌中的意义

目的:探索雄激素受体(androgen receptor,AR)、S期激酶相关蛋白2(S-phase kinase-associated protein 2,SKP2)、性别决定区Y相关的HMG盒含因子10(sry-related HMG box-containing factor 10,SOX10)、程序性死亡配体1(programmed death-ligand 1,PD-L1)及肿瘤浸润性淋巴细胞(tumor infiltrating lymphocyte,TIL)在三阴性乳腺癌(triple negative breast cancer,TNBC)表达与临床病理特征和预后的关系。方法:根据苏木精-伊红染色(hematoxylineosin, HE)染色切片评判109例TNBC瘤巢内TIL的比例,采用Leica Bond-Max全自动免疫组化仪检测TNBC组织中AR、SKP2、SOX10、PD-L1的表达。分析以上各生物指标与临床病理特征间的关系,并采用kaplan-Meier、Log-rank进行生存分析。结果:95例患者获得随访,中位随访时间为48个月,中位无病生存时间(disease-free survival, DFS)为42个月,中位总生存时间(overall survival, OS)48个月。在TNBC中,AR阳性表达与淋巴结转移阴性(P=0.009)、肿瘤最大径<2 cm(P=0.008)相关,TIL高表达与低级别TNBC相关(P=0.007),SKP2阳性表达与神经/脉管侵犯阳性(P=0.011)、高级别TNBC相关(P=0.002),SOX10阳性表达与淋巴结转移阳性(P=0.022)、高级别TNBC(P=0.005)相关,PD-L1阳性表达与淋巴结转移阳性(P=0.020)、神经/脉管侵犯阳性(P=0.006)、高级别TNBC(P=0.042)相关。生存分析显示,SKP2、SOX10阳性表达与更差的DFS(P=0.007、P<0.001)和OS(P=0.013、P<0.001)相关,TIL高表达与更好的DFS(P=0.016)及OS(P=0.004)相关。在生物表志物的联合表达中,AR+/SKP2-、AR+/SOX10-与更好的DFS(P=0.004、P<0.001)及OS(P=0.007、P=0.001)相关,SOX10+/低TIL、PD-L1+/低TIL与更差的DFS(P<0.001、P=0.008)及OS(P=0.001、P=0.002)相关,AR-/低TIL者具有更差的OS(P=0.014)。SKP2(HR=4.143,95%CI为1.578~10.875)、SOX10(HR=7.578,95%CI为2.067~27.782)的阳性表达是影响TNBC患者DFS的独立预后因子,SKP2(HR=3.758,95%CI为1.400~10.084)、SOX10(HR=5.131,95%CI为1.316~20.000)及TIL(HR=0.375,95%CI为0.154~0.917)的阳性表达是TNBC患者OS的独立预后因子(P均<0.05)。结论:在TNBC中,AR阳性、TIL高表达与具有更好预后的临床病理特征相关,SKP2、SOX10和PD-L1与具侵袭性的临床病理特征相关。SKP2、SOX10及TIL表达与TNBC预后相关,提示这些生物指标可能成为TNBC新的预后因子,同时它们也有可能成为潜在的治疗靶点。