This paper focuses on the Bahraini regime’s usage of sectarianism as a survival mechanism.The argument herein has adopted a modernist approach,where sectarian identities are not viewed as fixed and as causes of an an...This paper focuses on the Bahraini regime’s usage of sectarianism as a survival mechanism.The argument herein has adopted a modernist approach,where sectarian identities are not viewed as fixed and as causes of an ancient hatred struggle,but are instead viewed as a modern construction that are securitised and desecuritised.It examines how this particular struggle was framed in a sectarian context through the analysis of three pivotal stages of the 2011 uprising and its aftermath.These stages are broken down as follows:(1)the first stage of the uprising,which includes the first month of the uprising and the period prior to the regional military intervention,a period which was characterised by negotiations and dialogue;(2)the period of fragmentation within Bahraini society in which this paper explores the various reasons behind the failed reforms and the failure/ending of dialogue between the regime and the oppositions;and(3)the period of military intervention and the uprising’s aftermath,which reflected a time of securitisation and de-securitisation of the uprising’s space,image and language.These three stages showcase overriding factors such as fear,lack of inclusion of alternatives,divided opposition,and limited regime reform which contributed to the Bahraini regime’s brutal reaction to protesters in 2011 and the Qatar-Gulf crisis which emerged in 2017.The three stages reflect the regime’s pragmatism in dealing with the clashes,and its security narrative adjustment to the regional alliance shifts.The Bahraini regime was able to survive the challenges posed by the uprising in the short-term,but its short-term solutions such as the naturalisation process,would have damaging effects on society in the long-run.展开更多
文摘This paper focuses on the Bahraini regime’s usage of sectarianism as a survival mechanism.The argument herein has adopted a modernist approach,where sectarian identities are not viewed as fixed and as causes of an ancient hatred struggle,but are instead viewed as a modern construction that are securitised and desecuritised.It examines how this particular struggle was framed in a sectarian context through the analysis of three pivotal stages of the 2011 uprising and its aftermath.These stages are broken down as follows:(1)the first stage of the uprising,which includes the first month of the uprising and the period prior to the regional military intervention,a period which was characterised by negotiations and dialogue;(2)the period of fragmentation within Bahraini society in which this paper explores the various reasons behind the failed reforms and the failure/ending of dialogue between the regime and the oppositions;and(3)the period of military intervention and the uprising’s aftermath,which reflected a time of securitisation and de-securitisation of the uprising’s space,image and language.These three stages showcase overriding factors such as fear,lack of inclusion of alternatives,divided opposition,and limited regime reform which contributed to the Bahraini regime’s brutal reaction to protesters in 2011 and the Qatar-Gulf crisis which emerged in 2017.The three stages reflect the regime’s pragmatism in dealing with the clashes,and its security narrative adjustment to the regional alliance shifts.The Bahraini regime was able to survive the challenges posed by the uprising in the short-term,but its short-term solutions such as the naturalisation process,would have damaging effects on society in the long-run.
