An introgression line RBPH660,derived from wild rice Oryza rufipogon,showed stable resistance to brown planthopper(BPH).Segregation analysis indicated BPH resistance of RBPH660 was controlled by multiple genes/QTLs.By...An introgression line RBPH660,derived from wild rice Oryza rufipogon,showed stable resistance to brown planthopper(BPH).Segregation analysis indicated BPH resistance of RBPH660 was controlled by multiple genes/QTLs.By using the bulked segregant analysis(BSA)-seq method,two genomic regions harboring QTLs resistance to BPH were identified from 1.20 to 16.70 Mb on chromosome 4 and from 10.20 to 12.60 Mb on chromosome 9 in RBPH660,respectively.A major resistance locus,designated as Bph35 accounting for 51.27%of the phenotypic variation with a LOD score of 42.51,was mapped to the candidate region of chromosome 4 between In Del(insertion-deletion)markers PSM16 and R4 M13.For fine mapping of Bph35,one simple sequence repeat and three newly developed In Del markers were used to screen the recombinants.Finally,the Bph35 locus was delimited in the region from 6.28 to 6.93 Mb and there were 18 predicted protein-encoding genes with a total of 114 non-synonymous single nucleotide polymorphism(SNP)variant sites between the resistant and susceptible parents.Out of these genes,Os04 g0193950,encoding a putative NB-ARC(nucleotidebinding adaptor shared by APAF-1,R proteins and CED-4)and LRR(leucine-rich repeat)domain protein with nine non-synonymous SNP substitutions in its coding sequence regions,might be the candidate gene for Bph35.These findings would facilitate the map-based cloning of the Bph35 gene and development of resistant varieties against BPH in rice.展开更多
The China-Japan relationship has swung between deterioration and improvement in the 21st century while Japanese leaders'cognition and Japanese public opinion remain operative at a deep level.The return of the bila...The China-Japan relationship has swung between deterioration and improvement in the 21st century while Japanese leaders'cognition and Japanese public opinion remain operative at a deep level.The return of the bilateral relationship in 2018 to the normal development track was aided by Japan's shift toward coordination,China's re-shaped policy,and a boost by the Trump administration.Though the China-Japan relationship will continue improving in the short run,it is unlikely“deterioratiomimprovcment”cycles will end since too many glaring structural contradictions exist.While memories of their intense history and today's territorial issues linger,the fluctuation of Japan*s diplomatic options and weak Japanese public opinion for improved relations with China will continue the same cyclical,but not forward,momentum.展开更多
Editor＇s Note： Sino-Japanese relations have been tense in recent years. In Jparticular, since Abe came to power, Japan has not only been ＂desperately struggling＂ with China on territorial and historical issues, bu...Editor＇s Note： Sino-Japanese relations have been tense in recent years. In Jparticular, since Abe came to power, Japan has not only been ＂desperately struggling＂ with China on territorial and historical issues, but has also tried to set up an ＂encircling network＂ against China. Thus Sino-Japanese relations have emerged as the most risky bilateral relations in the Asia-Pacific region. As the two largest powers in East Asia, and the world＇s second and third largest economies, the continuing confrontation between China and Japan will have huge negative repercussions on regional and global peace. With the approaching of the APEC meeting, however, the Abe government has repeatedly expressed its hopes for diplomatic dialogue with China. The Abe government＇s shift in attitude towards China from ＂hard＂ to a new ＂moderate＂ position has attracted wide international attention. We cannot help but ask：展开更多
After Shinzo Abe became Japanese prime minister again,the nation adopted a much tougher China policy.While Abe has continued his predecessor’s aim of trying to contain China,he has also injected confrontation into ti...After Shinzo Abe became Japanese prime minister again,the nation adopted a much tougher China policy.While Abe has continued his predecessor’s aim of trying to contain China,he has also injected confrontation into ties.Particularly when Sino-Japanese relations are at a deadlock because of territorial disputes,and despite opposition展开更多
China has always placed great importance on the relationship between development and security. Since the founding of the People’s Republic in 1949, China has been modifying its approach to security and development to...China has always placed great importance on the relationship between development and security. Since the founding of the People’s Republic in 1949, China has been modifying its approach to security and development to keep pace with domestic and international changes. It has gone through three periods in terms of its approach to development and security—prioritizing security before the launch of the reform and opening-up policy in 1978, prioritizing development between 1978 and the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China(CPC), and gradually enhancing both these two imperatives after the 18th CPC National Congress. Currently, with the once-in-a-century global changes and the increase in traditional and non-traditional security threats, China is confronted with unprecedented external challenges. However, its capability to preserve national security still needs improvement. Based on a clear understanding of the situation, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has proposed a holistic approach to national security, highlighting “ensuring both development and security” as a guideline for China’s socio-economic development and a major principle underlying the CPC’s governance. Thus, it provides guidance, both in theory and in practice, for pursuing the path of national security with Chinese characteristics.展开更多
基金supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China(Grant Nos.31860416 and 31460387)the Natural Science Foundation of Guangxi Province of China(Grant Nos.2015GXNS FAA139083,2016GXNSFAA380032 and 2017GXNS FAA198314)the Key Project of Science and Technology of Guangxi Province of China(Grant Nos.Guike AA17204070,AB16380079 and AB16380093)。
文摘An introgression line RBPH660,derived from wild rice Oryza rufipogon,showed stable resistance to brown planthopper(BPH).Segregation analysis indicated BPH resistance of RBPH660 was controlled by multiple genes/QTLs.By using the bulked segregant analysis(BSA)-seq method,two genomic regions harboring QTLs resistance to BPH were identified from 1.20 to 16.70 Mb on chromosome 4 and from 10.20 to 12.60 Mb on chromosome 9 in RBPH660,respectively.A major resistance locus,designated as Bph35 accounting for 51.27%of the phenotypic variation with a LOD score of 42.51,was mapped to the candidate region of chromosome 4 between In Del(insertion-deletion)markers PSM16 and R4 M13.For fine mapping of Bph35,one simple sequence repeat and three newly developed In Del markers were used to screen the recombinants.Finally,the Bph35 locus was delimited in the region from 6.28 to 6.93 Mb and there were 18 predicted protein-encoding genes with a total of 114 non-synonymous single nucleotide polymorphism(SNP)variant sites between the resistant and susceptible parents.Out of these genes,Os04 g0193950,encoding a putative NB-ARC(nucleotidebinding adaptor shared by APAF-1,R proteins and CED-4)and LRR(leucine-rich repeat)domain protein with nine non-synonymous SNP substitutions in its coding sequence regions,might be the candidate gene for Bph35.These findings would facilitate the map-based cloning of the Bph35 gene and development of resistant varieties against BPH in rice.
基金This paper is part of a project he chaired,Studies on the Building of the Belt and Road and China's Neighborhood Diplomacy,which was funded by National Social Science Fund Project 2017010186.
文摘The China-Japan relationship has swung between deterioration and improvement in the 21st century while Japanese leaders'cognition and Japanese public opinion remain operative at a deep level.The return of the bilateral relationship in 2018 to the normal development track was aided by Japan's shift toward coordination,China's re-shaped policy,and a boost by the Trump administration.Though the China-Japan relationship will continue improving in the short run,it is unlikely“deterioratiomimprovcment”cycles will end since too many glaring structural contradictions exist.While memories of their intense history and today's territorial issues linger,the fluctuation of Japan*s diplomatic options and weak Japanese public opinion for improved relations with China will continue the same cyclical,but not forward,momentum.
文摘Editor＇s Note： Sino-Japanese relations have been tense in recent years. In Jparticular, since Abe came to power, Japan has not only been ＂desperately struggling＂ with China on territorial and historical issues, but has also tried to set up an ＂encircling network＂ against China. Thus Sino-Japanese relations have emerged as the most risky bilateral relations in the Asia-Pacific region. As the two largest powers in East Asia, and the world＇s second and third largest economies, the continuing confrontation between China and Japan will have huge negative repercussions on regional and global peace. With the approaching of the APEC meeting, however, the Abe government has repeatedly expressed its hopes for diplomatic dialogue with China. The Abe government＇s shift in attitude towards China from ＂hard＂ to a new ＂moderate＂ position has attracted wide international attention. We cannot help but ask：
文摘After Shinzo Abe became Japanese prime minister again,the nation adopted a much tougher China policy.While Abe has continued his predecessor’s aim of trying to contain China,he has also injected confrontation into ties.Particularly when Sino-Japanese relations are at a deadlock because of territorial disputes,and despite opposition
文摘China has always placed great importance on the relationship between development and security. Since the founding of the People’s Republic in 1949, China has been modifying its approach to security and development to keep pace with domestic and international changes. It has gone through three periods in terms of its approach to development and security—prioritizing security before the launch of the reform and opening-up policy in 1978, prioritizing development between 1978 and the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China(CPC), and gradually enhancing both these two imperatives after the 18th CPC National Congress. Currently, with the once-in-a-century global changes and the increase in traditional and non-traditional security threats, China is confronted with unprecedented external challenges. However, its capability to preserve national security still needs improvement. Based on a clear understanding of the situation, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has proposed a holistic approach to national security, highlighting “ensuring both development and security” as a guideline for China’s socio-economic development and a major principle underlying the CPC’s governance. Thus, it provides guidance, both in theory and in practice, for pursuing the path of national security with Chinese characteristics.
