The liberal economic policies which have been developed in China in the 1980s have significantly produced a“new demographic”reality with an increasing proportion of about 350 to 400-million strong Chinese middle cla...The liberal economic policies which have been developed in China in the 1980s have significantly produced a“new demographic”reality with an increasing proportion of about 350 to 400-million strong Chinese middle class.This new reality is starting to affect the conduct and direction of China’s foreign policy particularly toward countries in Middle East and Southeast Asian regions,which hold considerable amount of energy resources,such as crude oil and gas.The“One Belt One Road”initiative(OBOR),proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013,signals the reinvigoration of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Route as a necessary measure to meet future Chinese demand for energy and open markets for its surplus products.Over the last two years,various Middle East countries,such as Iran,Saudi Arabia,United Arab Emirates,Turkey,Israel have watched China in cultural and political arenas.China’s economic needs have triggered this development.The same year,China’s president visited Indonesia and pledged a$40 billion fund to develop infrastructures along the route.With the new silk route proposal,China would be able to guarantee not only the stable energy supply from the Middle East but also access the markets of Southeast Asian countries.However,diverse views arising from this proposal questioned China’s real intentions.Has China’s proposal been designed to reorder Asia and contain US pivot to Asia?Does it signal the enlargement of China’s regional influence using its economic might?What does this policy say about ASEAN member countries,particularly the Philippines?This article however argues that China’s regional and international expansion is a natural byproduct of its economic weight;it also argues that the Middle East and maritime Southeast Asian countries can expect maximum economic and political gains from joining the“One Belt One Road”initiative.展开更多
In the past,the nature of global geopolitical interactions among states has seen Europe and the United States emerge as dominant players in Middle East regional politics.This assertion is based on the overstretched ge...In the past,the nature of global geopolitical interactions among states has seen Europe and the United States emerge as dominant players in Middle East regional politics.This assertion is based on the overstretched geostrategic interests of Europe and the United States(US)tied up with controlling strategic goods,such as crude oil and gas,as well as maintaining freedom of navigation.These three variables-oil,gas and water routes-were the most critical components that attracted global powers to engage with the Middle East.Recent developments,however,suggest that two rising Asian powers,China and India,are becoming increasingly involved in Middle East regional affairs.Both countries have recognised the critical role of the region in their future economic growth and development and have embedded the region into their national strategic plan.However,the region faces issues-such as terrorism,internal strife,particularly in Syria,maritime security,hunger and poverty,especially in Yemen,the recent US-Iran conflict and the COVID-19 global pandemic-that may influence the operationalisation and outcome of the future strategic plan of China and India.These current challenges thus require the Asian powers to reassess each other’s strategy.This paper analyses how China and India adapt their strategic interests in accordance to the compounding realities in the Middle East.In particular,it seeks to answer two relevant questions:To what extent can China and India engage the region in the coming years?Given their national interests and priorities vis-a-vis the Middle East,can we expect more cooperation than competition between these two Asian powers?Central to this is a thesis that cooperation among these two powers is more promising and effective,at least in those mentioned issues,despite their divergent national interests and historical rivalries.展开更多
文摘The liberal economic policies which have been developed in China in the 1980s have significantly produced a“new demographic”reality with an increasing proportion of about 350 to 400-million strong Chinese middle class.This new reality is starting to affect the conduct and direction of China’s foreign policy particularly toward countries in Middle East and Southeast Asian regions,which hold considerable amount of energy resources,such as crude oil and gas.The“One Belt One Road”initiative(OBOR),proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013,signals the reinvigoration of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Route as a necessary measure to meet future Chinese demand for energy and open markets for its surplus products.Over the last two years,various Middle East countries,such as Iran,Saudi Arabia,United Arab Emirates,Turkey,Israel have watched China in cultural and political arenas.China’s economic needs have triggered this development.The same year,China’s president visited Indonesia and pledged a$40 billion fund to develop infrastructures along the route.With the new silk route proposal,China would be able to guarantee not only the stable energy supply from the Middle East but also access the markets of Southeast Asian countries.However,diverse views arising from this proposal questioned China’s real intentions.Has China’s proposal been designed to reorder Asia and contain US pivot to Asia?Does it signal the enlargement of China’s regional influence using its economic might?What does this policy say about ASEAN member countries,particularly the Philippines?This article however argues that China’s regional and international expansion is a natural byproduct of its economic weight;it also argues that the Middle East and maritime Southeast Asian countries can expect maximum economic and political gains from joining the“One Belt One Road”initiative.
文摘In the past,the nature of global geopolitical interactions among states has seen Europe and the United States emerge as dominant players in Middle East regional politics.This assertion is based on the overstretched geostrategic interests of Europe and the United States(US)tied up with controlling strategic goods,such as crude oil and gas,as well as maintaining freedom of navigation.These three variables-oil,gas and water routes-were the most critical components that attracted global powers to engage with the Middle East.Recent developments,however,suggest that two rising Asian powers,China and India,are becoming increasingly involved in Middle East regional affairs.Both countries have recognised the critical role of the region in their future economic growth and development and have embedded the region into their national strategic plan.However,the region faces issues-such as terrorism,internal strife,particularly in Syria,maritime security,hunger and poverty,especially in Yemen,the recent US-Iran conflict and the COVID-19 global pandemic-that may influence the operationalisation and outcome of the future strategic plan of China and India.These current challenges thus require the Asian powers to reassess each other’s strategy.This paper analyses how China and India adapt their strategic interests in accordance to the compounding realities in the Middle East.In particular,it seeks to answer two relevant questions:To what extent can China and India engage the region in the coming years?Given their national interests and priorities vis-a-vis the Middle East,can we expect more cooperation than competition between these two Asian powers?Central to this is a thesis that cooperation among these two powers is more promising and effective,at least in those mentioned issues,despite their divergent national interests and historical rivalries.
