论以德治国概念中“德”的双重内涵

实行“以德治国” ,不仅包括对党的各级领导干部和国家机构公职人员的“官德”要求 ,还包括对普通公民的“民德”要求。“官德”是“以德治国”的核心 ,“民德”则是“以德治国”的基础。在实践中 ,我们必须防止两种错误的倾向 ,即用“官德”

Spices and Food Culture in Native Minorities of Dehong

Dehong Dai and Jingpo Autonomous Prefecture is located in western Yunnan.Due to special natural environment and multi-ethic settlement,the unique cultural environment and folk customs have been formed in this area.This paper investigated on and collated the traditional cultures and edible spices in native minorities of Dehong.In addition,the special spices those form the special flavor and their application in food with ethic characteristics were proposed.

The Positioning Strategies of Immigrants： A Case Study of Female Immigrants to Germany From Former Soviet Countries

In the process of transition from one social order to another, immigrants implement intentional or circumstantial adjustment strategies to position themselves in the new social structure, Within the broad perspective of immigrants＇ incorporation into the receiving society, the present paper focuses on analysis at the micro-level, i,e., bottom-up strategies. These coping strategies define the social positioning of an individual. Through the structure-agency theoretical framework, this article analyses adjustment strategies used by immigrants in order to become members of the receiving society. This is discovered through semi-structured biographical interviews with female immigrants to Germany from former Soviet countries conducted by the author in 2012-2013 in Kaiserslautern. Several positioning strategies emerged in the course of these interviews： ＂destination as a way to a better life＂; ＂trip to joint self＂ which includes ＂identity as a task＂ and change of the behavioral patterns; shift in gender roles; usage of the imported educational capital; work of a ＂stranger next door＂; and social networking, The analysis of immigrants＇ adjustment strategies allows one to see the complexity of the incorporation processes into the receiving society： from essential personality traits such as imagination and aspirations, identity and roles to practically applicable aspects such as education, work, and networking.

Liberals, Communitarians, Republicans and the Intervention of the State in the Private Sphere

The aim of this paper is to discuss whether the increasing intervention of the state in the private sphere-as is evidenced in labor laws, consumer rights, bioethics, and Internet crimes-is compatible with the liberal ideal of neutrality, or, on the contrary, whether it can be seen as a turning point towards the position of communitarian or republican authors, for whom the state must endorse a substantive good. Such a turning point could lead to a reformulation of the public and private spheres, and of course, raise questions over which values justify which kinds of intervention. This paper will cover these debates in three parts： First, by presenting briefly the history of the liberal conception of rights, I will try to show that, from a starting point based mostly on individual protection, the liberal tradition has become more interventionist, which can be seen through the notion of ＂claim rights.＂ Departing from John Rawls＇s work, I will argue that this notion allows for some level of intervention, without betraying liberal neutrality. Subsequently, I will discuss the difference between this kind of intervention and the ones proclaimed by communitarians and republicans authors： The former will be illustrated by Michael Sandel＇s criticism of Rawls in Liberalism and the Limits of Justice, and the later by Richard Dagger＇s position in Civic Virtues, Citizenship, and Republican Liberalism. Finally, in the third part, we＇ll discuss whether liberal principles can be harmonized with the republican and communitarian focus on civic virtues and good life.

The Wisdom of the Many and Fichte＇s ＂We＂

In order to consider the Wisdom of the Many, one has to reconsider Aristotle＇s statement about the source of a nation-state concerning political ＂gregarism＂--how it is called today, and why this belongs to the essentials of political constitution. Beforehand, this concept should not provide an instance of theoretical indulgence for emotional concepts or alike. Then, this statement will have to be confronted with the core argument of the Wisdom of the Many, together with the interpretation of Waldron. It will be interpreted as the counterpart of gregarism： When several people find together a solution, which eventually overrules that of the （few） expert（s）, they rely upon a common focus or an instance of polar consciousness. This includes the final question if the shared consciousness-or the polarity condition-is not able to also dominate and manifest within a group of experts, of those sufficiently erudite. As a token of possible evidence, the answer is given with Fichte, his lecture of the Science of Knowledge of 1804 by reason of the succinct reliance upon the plural ＂We.＂

The Colonization and Decolonization of Time

The article addresses the issue of leisure in the sense of ancient ＂schole.＂ It strives to uncover the relationship between Aristotelian concept of theoretical activity and ＂schole＂ as vacuity. It shows a paradoxical character of ＂schole＂ as purposeless time that forms condition for a meaningful activity. How, then, to restore ＂schole＂ as vacuity today, when colonization of time expands？

Kant： The Sweet Dream of Perpetual Peace

This essay is a survey upon Kant＇s Sweet Dream of Perpetual Peace. According to Kant, a permanent peace could be achieved under the condition of the creation of a Federation of States. This Federation of States will be rest upon three fundamental requirements--i.e., democracy, reason, universal hospitality. Kant＇s idea of global Federation of States should not be confused with existing nowadays Unions of States, such as European Union, which depend heavily upon a central authority and a complicated bureaucracy.

Aristotle＇s Account of Philia/Amiability

The purpose of my paper is to show that the virtue which Aristotle calls philia, not in the strong sense of friendship, but in the weaker one of amiability （cf. NE 1126b 10-1 i 27a 12）, represents a particular kind of bond, related to the fact of being part of a community, and therefore has a very strong relationship, although the two do not coincide with that kind of friendship which Aristotle calls politike philia （civic friendship）. My thesis, then, is that there is a strong relationship, among Aristotelian ethical works, between philia/amiability, like-mindedness （homonoia）, and politike philia. The key to discovering this link is the Aristotelian account of social relations： in Aristotle＇s opinion, the polls is not a commercial alliance, as if it were a public limited company, in which the common good depends on the fact that everyone has a strong economic interest in the company, but is a common life in which citizens are concerned about each other＇s moral goodness. The link between them is therefore a kind of friendship, which is of course civic and therefore does not presuppose love. In the political context, the knowledge of the nature of the constitution, in fact, is a sufficient condition for there being benevolence towards other citizens. Since philia/amiability shows deep analogies with homonoia as well, for both represent, in different ways, peculiar features of the citizenship, the thesis I want to support is not that philia/amiability, homonoia, and politike philia coincide, but that philia/amiability and homonoia are two different expressions of the same disposition, namely politike philia： according to my view, the former is the expression ofpolitike philia on a relational and moral side, while the latter represents the attitude of the citizens towards each other when implicated in political decisions.

The Postcolonial Meaning of Home in Nash Candelaria＇s Novel Memories of the Alhambra

Published in 1977, in the peak of Chicanismo--the social, cultural, and political movements that brought raza consciousness and profoundly influenced the creation of a modern Chicano/Chicana identity--Nash Candelaria＇s novel, Memories of the Alhambra, reflects a complex vision of the concept of home. For the two generations of Chicanos （U.S. citizens） depicted in the novel, the United States represents the site of postcolonial tensions and （b）order-ed negotiations of a postmodern Chicano/Chicana identity through ethnic reinvention. This paper aims at analyzing the postcolonial significance of the home, as a geographical, ontological, and national space, and Candelaria＇s association of the concept with a postmodern and mestizo identity.

Sister Founders in Sociology： Democratisation of Contemporary Sociological Education

Sister＇s founders in sociology as a coin term are formed by Mary ]o Deegan, in order to explain, reintroduction to female stream sociological theory. Even though there are more than 52 women considered to be founders of sociology, they are still not recognized in sociology, especially in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Aristotle＇s distinction between male and female, according to authoress Shipley, represents the key moment to ideological foundation of the women exclusion from academia and public life, because of their identification with natural and irrational. Results of wars, global ecological movements, and movements for the rights of the minorities were joined together in creation of significant subversion and counterpart of male stream patriarchal ordained theories in eco-feminist movement. The women and nature in male stream theories are considered to be the insignificant other, formed as counterpart for male principal which is culture, reason, and activity. Logic of dominance with its objectification, imperialism, colonialism, patriarchy, and European West racism must be rendered with the logic of nurturing as the prevailing concept of successful bioregional cooperation and interpersonal relationships, pacification and peace agreements. Postmodern sociology especially in works of Rosemarie Tong supports the admissions of all ＂exiled, alienated, deviant and marginal people＂, therefore, the posthuman society must involve the egalitarism in works of female and male in the sociology.

“Love” as the Key Word: New Sexual Morality and New Literature in the Late Qing and Early Republican Years(1900-1920)

Courtesy of translation, the word ＂love＂ （lian ＂ai 恋爱） entered the modem Chinese language in the early 20th century, leading to changes in the mode, experience, meaning and evaluation of ＂feelings between men and women＂ by virtue of this new nomenclature. The word entered public discourse and became the point of entry for new Chinese ethical construction, spawning a series of new moral propositions from the late Qing to the May Fourth Movement together with corresponding works of new literature. The ＂free marriage＂ advocated in the late Qing confirmed the modem consciousness of marriage premised on love and determined primarily by the will of the parties themselves, initiating a new style of civilized marriage. In the early Republican period, the word ＂love＂ was temporarily stigmatized in the course of sinicization, with the result that it was generally avoided in romance fiction. However, the widespread cult of the ＂spiritual character of love＂ in novels of tragic love laid the foundation for the emergence of＂the sanctity of love＂ in the May Fourth period. The theory of love constructed at this time under the influence of Western theories made a subtle distinction between the ＂freedom of love＂ and ＂free love,＂ reflecting the ideological divergence within the New Culture community. In terms of spatial imagery and descriptions of love, the pioneering creation of romantic literature during the May Fourth period deconstructed the patriarchal authority that suppressed individual freedom, undermining traditional morality and opening up new fields for literary expression. But since the one-dimensional pursuit of individual freedom also led to weaknesses such as superficial emotionalism, May Fourth romantic literature could not take the experiences and expression of love to a deeper level.

Heavy metal content in scalp hair of the inhabitants near Dexing Copper Mine,Jiangxi Province,China

Levels of seven metals （Mn, Cu, Zn, Pb, Cr, Cd, and Se） in the scalp hair of Daicun and Xiangtian inhabitants were determined by ICP-MS/AFS. Daicun, as an experimental site, is near Dexing Copper Mine, Jiangxi Province, China, and exposed to mining pollution; Xiangtian, as a control site, is free from any mining and other industrial pollution. The heavy metal distribution in the scalp hair of the two diverse population segments exposed to different environments was discussed against the background of the heavy metal content of local plants, waters, and soils. The results show： 1） Levels ofCu, Zn, Pb, Cr, and Cd in the scalp hair of Daicun inhabitants were higher compared with Xiangtian counterparts which showed higher comparative levels of Se and Mn. But there were no significant differences of the levels of Cu and Zn in the hair samples between the two villages. In the hair of the inhabitants in the two villages, the levels for Se, Zn, and Cu were lower, while the level for Mn was higher, than the corresponding levels from other regions of the world. Compared with the standard issued by the Trace Element Research Council of China for Chinese inhabitants there were serious Se, Zn, Cu and Cr-deficiency phenomena in the hair samples from Daicun and Xiangtian. 2） Against the geological background of high levels ofZn, Cu, Se and Cr, there were deficiencies of Zn, Cu, Se and Cr in the hair samples of the Daictm population. This may have been caused by the distribution forms of the heavy metals in the soils, and antagonism among the elements. 3） Principal Component Analysis （PCA） and Cluster Analysis （CA） indicated that the origins of the heavy metals in the hair samples from the two villages had some differences as well as some similarities, this should be contributed mainly to the influence of the mining activities.

The concept of Biirger in Kant＇s philosophy of law

The concept of Burger （citizen） lies at the heart of Kant＇s philosophy of law, where it appears in three contexts. Correspondingly, we can distinguish three different senses of the concept： generic, specific and universal. Re-interpretation of these three senses of the concept enables us to clarify ambiguities and show how this concept has evolved theoretically and how its characteristic features of universality, construction and coercion should be understood. On the basis of Max Weber＇s examination of the concepts of city dweller and citizen, we show the socio-historical origins of the Kantian concept of Biirger. It can be seen that the mechanism for this term＇s evolution from the sense of ＂city dweller＂ to the sense of ＂citizen＂ is the universalization of rights. ＂Citizen＂ represents a mode of existence within the framework of Recht （law or right） that man himself has constructed.

An Exploration of Major Factors in the Cultural Ecology of the German Aesthetic Discourse of Modernity

The German aesthetic discourse of modernity is the self-manifestation of German historical development from early modern times. German cultural ecology, comprising German natural, historical, social and intellectual factors, has determined the historical fate of the German aesthetic discourse of modernity and also, realistically, its essential characteristics. The Protestant spirit is the soul of the national consciousness, intellectual concepts, cultural understanding and life experience of the Germans, who take culture as the foundation of their nation. German civic cultural ecology--the social structure, way of life and cultural institutions that originated and developed in civil society--to a great extent determined the form of the German aesthetic discourse of modernity. The three salient features of German enlightenment thought, i.e., the establishment of perception and the independence of beauty, the adjustment of rationalism and the birth of value rationality, and the establishment of the public character of art, are the constituent elements of German cultural ecology.

The Chinese Dream： Imagining China

This article will discuss how the official discourse on the Chinese Dream is transformed in the meeting with the public in China. The Chinese Dream will be discussed both as a political framing discourse and as a public communication campaign in order to understand how the very selective responsiveness to the central theme of the Chinese Dream, the great rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation, influences the impact of the Dream discourse. An analysis of a selection of posts from Sina Weibo demonstrates how the Dream discourse contributes to national identity building, or in Benedict Anderson＇s words （in Imagined communities： Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism, 1991）： to the imagined community that is China.