The rise of China has transformed the global power balance and made the US-China relationship increasingly strategic and complicated.While some Americans are anxious about what China’s great power aspiration means fo...The rise of China has transformed the global power balance and made the US-China relationship increasingly strategic and complicated.While some Americans are anxious about what China’s great power aspiration means for US interests,many Chinese are concerned about the US intention to keep China down.In this context,many in Beijing believe that the Obama administration’s strategic rebalance toward the Asia-Pacific is bent on hindering China’s rise as a great power.To what extent is the strategic rebalance about China?Is it part of the US strategy to contain China’s rise?Can the US and China function in relative power equality and build a balance of power to maintain peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific?Seeking answers to these important questions,this article argues that the strategic rebalance is a continuation of the long-standing struggle of the US to define its interests in the region.China remains a centerpiece in the rebalance not only because building a cooperative relationship with China is the key for its success,but also because the rebalance has to address the rapidly shifting balance of power in the region where China has emerged as an ever-more influential power.It is in US interests to work with its partners as well as China to construct a regional order based on the balance of power,and rules and institutions capable of allowing China to grow and be secured but not use its new might arbitrarily.展开更多
The article gives an overview on the dynamic political processes in the Black Sea region after some major geostrategic changes posing instability concerns in the region. The aim is to summarise the policy tendencies o...The article gives an overview on the dynamic political processes in the Black Sea region after some major geostrategic changes posing instability concerns in the region. The aim is to summarise the policy tendencies of the international organisations (NATO and EU) towards Russia and to present some analytical thoughts on current Euro-Atlantic strategies. Proposed is a different way of thinking based on the "congagement" approach.展开更多
The book Theory of International Politics without a doubt is a pillar in the field of international relations.Kenneth Waltz is considered as the founder of Neorealist theory or what is known“Structural Realism”.His ...The book Theory of International Politics without a doubt is a pillar in the field of international relations.Kenneth Waltz is considered as the founder of Neorealist theory or what is known“Structural Realism”.His book was published at a time when Neo-liberalism was dominant.Indeed,he opened a huge debate in IR and challenged the consensus that prevailed at the time.The concepts of anarchy and power are at the center of Waltz’s theory of international politics where he tried to explain how the structure of the international system is,and how this system affects the behavior of states,which they are considered as the main players in the international system.Thus,the current study’s aim is to analyze and identify the main arguments and concepts of the book and the critics directed to it.To do so,in the first section,the intellectual background of the author and introduction to the book has been mentioned.Second,the arrangement of the chapters of the book is illustrated.Following are the main arguments and concepts of the book.Then critics directed to the book are presented,and finally,the conclusion is discussed.展开更多
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization(NATO)and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)both have geopolitical interests in Central Asia and the Gulf.The former is a military alliance,whose members have built substa...The North Atlantic Treaty Organization(NATO)and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)both have geopolitical interests in Central Asia and the Gulf.The former is a military alliance,whose members have built substantial presence in the Greater Middle East,including the US military presence in Afghanistan,Djibouti,Iraq,Kuwait,Qatar,Saudi Arabia,the UAE,Bahrain and Oman;the British military presence in Afghanistan and Bahrain;the French military presence in Afghanistan,Djibouti and the UAE.In comparison,SCO is a political bloc,whose members are at a low level of military integration.Like Russia’s military presence in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan,China has logistics base in Djibouti;India has military presence in Tajikistan.The three SCO members enjoy better geographical proximality,while the three NATO members are stronger in military deployments and power projection capabilities.The SCO major powers have consolidated their respective land power in Central Asia,while NATO members have obtained both land power in Afghanistan and marine power in the Gulf.While the SCO’s and NATO’s respective military positions have been strengthened,Central Asia and the Gulf are faced with serious economic,political and social problems and interstate conflict.In the light of this,the military presence of outside NATO and SCO powers may rest on a weak foundation and may face various hurdles in the future.展开更多
Many scientists and researchers in the field of international relations suggest theories which help to systematize our observations recognize stable patterns and explain those observations and paradigms. Furthermore, ...Many scientists and researchers in the field of international relations suggest theories which help to systematize our observations recognize stable patterns and explain those observations and paradigms. Furthermore, some scientists present recommendations about policies that should be selected. However, constantly in each issue of Foreign Policy, there are distinct and conflicting options for policy making. Theories of international relations are trying to find the causes and conditions that are sometimes direct countries to conflict, and sometimes to cooperate with each other. In this article, two important theoretical approaches in the field of international relations are considered which affect on the approaches of US leaders and decision making process in this country: Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism. The authors seek to show that what's the difference between these two approaches in theoretical principles? Understanding of these differences will help to show this matter that based on suggestion of these two theories, how American policy makers must choose a rational choice from among competing alternatives? Policymakers can select rational choices among competing alternatives, when a theory possesses empirical evidence, and values or goals.展开更多
The security dilemma is a common problem faced with the states in the ongoing anarchic international system.It does matter in the Middle East like the other ones and also has its impact on the arms races in the region...The security dilemma is a common problem faced with the states in the ongoing anarchic international system.It does matter in the Middle East like the other ones and also has its impact on the arms races in the region too.Meanwhile there are some characters named as the order and change predicaments such as the colonial background,weak infrastructure of state construction,and the identity politics embedded in the region that do convert the current complex security dilemma into a complicated one.Not only does it have effect on the regional order,the arm race and disarmament,and also offense/defense paradox,but also does it get on the violent bandwagon in the region.Synergies of the both dilemmas did lead the region into the domestic environment change alongside of regional disorder too.Non-neutral involving the trans-regional powers into the(in)security situation in the region not only did not mitigate the situation but also volatile it too.In conclusion the paper does strive to introduce three phrased manners for transition of the complicated security dilemma.展开更多
The international order of territory-based sovereign nation-states(Westphalia)has been in transition towards a so-called‘post-Westphalian order’,but pre-Westphalian structures still prevail.This has been most releva...The international order of territory-based sovereign nation-states(Westphalia)has been in transition towards a so-called‘post-Westphalian order’,but pre-Westphalian structures still prevail.This has been most relevant in the Middle East and North Africa,especially in the Persian Gulf.This coincides with the increasingly delicate(im)balance of power and the changing role of the state in the Persian Gulf,expressed in such narratives as the decline of the state,the United States‘withdrawal’from the region as well as the Iranian-Saudi‘Cold War.’The paper aims at analysing war and peace in this context of the transition of the international order and the regional(im)balance of power,and highlights that war or peace in the Persian Gulf will be the outcome of the competitive multi-polarity of traditional and modern,pre-Westphalian,Westphalian and post-Westphalian actors and factors,where the modalities and methodology of all will play a role.展开更多
文摘The rise of China has transformed the global power balance and made the US-China relationship increasingly strategic and complicated.While some Americans are anxious about what China’s great power aspiration means for US interests,many Chinese are concerned about the US intention to keep China down.In this context,many in Beijing believe that the Obama administration’s strategic rebalance toward the Asia-Pacific is bent on hindering China’s rise as a great power.To what extent is the strategic rebalance about China?Is it part of the US strategy to contain China’s rise?Can the US and China function in relative power equality and build a balance of power to maintain peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific?Seeking answers to these important questions,this article argues that the strategic rebalance is a continuation of the long-standing struggle of the US to define its interests in the region.China remains a centerpiece in the rebalance not only because building a cooperative relationship with China is the key for its success,but also because the rebalance has to address the rapidly shifting balance of power in the region where China has emerged as an ever-more influential power.It is in US interests to work with its partners as well as China to construct a regional order based on the balance of power,and rules and institutions capable of allowing China to grow and be secured but not use its new might arbitrarily.
文摘The article gives an overview on the dynamic political processes in the Black Sea region after some major geostrategic changes posing instability concerns in the region. The aim is to summarise the policy tendencies of the international organisations (NATO and EU) towards Russia and to present some analytical thoughts on current Euro-Atlantic strategies. Proposed is a different way of thinking based on the "congagement" approach.
文摘The book Theory of International Politics without a doubt is a pillar in the field of international relations.Kenneth Waltz is considered as the founder of Neorealist theory or what is known“Structural Realism”.His book was published at a time when Neo-liberalism was dominant.Indeed,he opened a huge debate in IR and challenged the consensus that prevailed at the time.The concepts of anarchy and power are at the center of Waltz’s theory of international politics where he tried to explain how the structure of the international system is,and how this system affects the behavior of states,which they are considered as the main players in the international system.Thus,the current study’s aim is to analyze and identify the main arguments and concepts of the book and the critics directed to it.To do so,in the first section,the intellectual background of the author and introduction to the book has been mentioned.Second,the arrangement of the chapters of the book is illustrated.Following are the main arguments and concepts of the book.Then critics directed to the book are presented,and finally,the conclusion is discussed.
基金The authors are indebted to China’s Ministry of Education program“Theoretical and Empirical Studies of China’s Participation in the Middle East Security Affairs”(16JJDGJW011)to the“Shu Guang”Project of Shanghai Municipal Education Commission and Shanghai Education Development Foundation(15SG29).
文摘The North Atlantic Treaty Organization(NATO)and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)both have geopolitical interests in Central Asia and the Gulf.The former is a military alliance,whose members have built substantial presence in the Greater Middle East,including the US military presence in Afghanistan,Djibouti,Iraq,Kuwait,Qatar,Saudi Arabia,the UAE,Bahrain and Oman;the British military presence in Afghanistan and Bahrain;the French military presence in Afghanistan,Djibouti and the UAE.In comparison,SCO is a political bloc,whose members are at a low level of military integration.Like Russia’s military presence in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan,China has logistics base in Djibouti;India has military presence in Tajikistan.The three SCO members enjoy better geographical proximality,while the three NATO members are stronger in military deployments and power projection capabilities.The SCO major powers have consolidated their respective land power in Central Asia,while NATO members have obtained both land power in Afghanistan and marine power in the Gulf.While the SCO’s and NATO’s respective military positions have been strengthened,Central Asia and the Gulf are faced with serious economic,political and social problems and interstate conflict.In the light of this,the military presence of outside NATO and SCO powers may rest on a weak foundation and may face various hurdles in the future.
文摘Many scientists and researchers in the field of international relations suggest theories which help to systematize our observations recognize stable patterns and explain those observations and paradigms. Furthermore, some scientists present recommendations about policies that should be selected. However, constantly in each issue of Foreign Policy, there are distinct and conflicting options for policy making. Theories of international relations are trying to find the causes and conditions that are sometimes direct countries to conflict, and sometimes to cooperate with each other. In this article, two important theoretical approaches in the field of international relations are considered which affect on the approaches of US leaders and decision making process in this country: Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism. The authors seek to show that what's the difference between these two approaches in theoretical principles? Understanding of these differences will help to show this matter that based on suggestion of these two theories, how American policy makers must choose a rational choice from among competing alternatives? Policymakers can select rational choices among competing alternatives, when a theory possesses empirical evidence, and values or goals.
文摘The security dilemma is a common problem faced with the states in the ongoing anarchic international system.It does matter in the Middle East like the other ones and also has its impact on the arms races in the region too.Meanwhile there are some characters named as the order and change predicaments such as the colonial background,weak infrastructure of state construction,and the identity politics embedded in the region that do convert the current complex security dilemma into a complicated one.Not only does it have effect on the regional order,the arm race and disarmament,and also offense/defense paradox,but also does it get on the violent bandwagon in the region.Synergies of the both dilemmas did lead the region into the domestic environment change alongside of regional disorder too.Non-neutral involving the trans-regional powers into the(in)security situation in the region not only did not mitigate the situation but also volatile it too.In conclusion the paper does strive to introduce three phrased manners for transition of the complicated security dilemma.
文摘The international order of territory-based sovereign nation-states(Westphalia)has been in transition towards a so-called‘post-Westphalian order’,but pre-Westphalian structures still prevail.This has been most relevant in the Middle East and North Africa,especially in the Persian Gulf.This coincides with the increasingly delicate(im)balance of power and the changing role of the state in the Persian Gulf,expressed in such narratives as the decline of the state,the United States‘withdrawal’from the region as well as the Iranian-Saudi‘Cold War.’The paper aims at analysing war and peace in this context of the transition of the international order and the regional(im)balance of power,and highlights that war or peace in the Persian Gulf will be the outcome of the competitive multi-polarity of traditional and modern,pre-Westphalian,Westphalian and post-Westphalian actors and factors,where the modalities and methodology of all will play a role.