The charter that created the African Union came into effect in 2002. It is now 12 years in place but most Africans would not be sure whether they know the rationale and ultimate role of the AU in promoting good govern...The charter that created the African Union came into effect in 2002. It is now 12 years in place but most Africans would not be sure whether they know the rationale and ultimate role of the AU in promoting good governance, peace, security and progress on the continent. Annual summits take place in Addis Ababa, and several resolutions are taken, but it is though the respective heads of states just return to their colonially engineered states to resume business as usual. As a result, poverty, conflicts （both internal and regional）, bad governance continue to plague the majority of the African countries with a few exceptions. Of late emerging economies such as China and India deal with Africa as if it were a one country--this could be the time for Africans to begin envisioning a new continental political architecture, with an African citizenship. The provisions of the African Union Charter are enshrined in the Constitutive Act, are summaries in Articles 3 and 4, that deal with objectives and principles. The objectives are （Desta, 2013, pp. 160-161）： （1） Achieve greater unity and solidarity between the African countries and peoples of Africa; （2） Defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its member states; （3） Accelerate the political and social-economic integration of the continent; （4） Promote and defend African common positions on issues of interest to the continent and its peoples; （5） Encourage intemational cooperation, taking due account of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; （6） Promote, peace, security and stability of the continent; （7） Promote democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance; （8） Promote and protect human and people＇s rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples＇ Rights and other relevant human rights instruments; （9） Establish the necessary conditions which enable the continent to play its rightful role in the global economy and in international negotiations; （10） Promote sustainable development at the economic. Social and cultural levels as well as the integration of African economies; （11） Promote co-operation in all fields of human activity to raise the living standards of African peoples; （12） Coordinate and harmonize the policies between the existing and future Regional Economic Communities for the gradual attainment of the objectives of the Union; （13） Advance the development of the continent by promoting research in all fields, in particular in science and technology; （14） Work with relevant international partners in the eradication of preventable diseases and the promotion of good health on the continent. The principles of the AU Constitutive Act are （Ibid. 162-163）： （1） Sovereign equality and interdependence among Member Sates of the Union; （2） Respect for borders existing on achievement of independence; （3） Participation of the African peoples in the activities of the Union; （4） Establishment of a common defense policy for the African Continent; （5） Peaceful resolution of conflicts among Member States of the Union through such appropriate means as may be decided upon by the Assembly; （6） Prohibition of the use of force or threat to use force among Member States of the Union; （7） Non-interference by any Member State in the internal affairs of another; （8） The right of the Union to intervene in aMember State pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely： war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity; （9） Peaceful co-existence of Member States and their right to live in peace and security; （10） The right of Member States to request intervention from the Union in order to restore peace and security; （11） Promotion of self-reliance within the framework of the Union; （12） Promotion of gender equality; m. Respect for democratic principles, human rights, rule of law and good governance; （13） Promotion of social justice to ensure balanced economic development; （14） Respect for the sanctity of human life, condemnation and rejection of impunity and political assassination, acts of terrorism and subversive activities; （15） Condemnation and rejection of unconstitutional changes of governments. While there is mention of participation of African peoples in the activities of the Union as principle （c） and objective （g）, there is no explicit mention of civil society organizations （media, faith-based organizations, and NGOs） as principle actors in implementing the objectives of the Union. I want to argue that the failure of the respective African states to eradicate poverty, end armed conflicts, and address governance issues is caused by lack of a common regional integration model that takes an African Union citizenship seriously, but at the same time respecting the role of civil society and faith-based organizations, that predate the state in Africa. It is evident that Afi＇ican Unity （AU） and sub-regional integration groups such as East African Community （EAC）, Southern African Development Community （SADC）, Economic Community Of West African States （ECOWAS）, as well the New Partnership for Africa＇s Development （NEPAD）, are designed and operationalized from a statist political philosophical framework. Moreover, since the African states are largely contested as a colonial creation, the AU cannot successfully implement the institution of an African citizenship without acknowledging the role of and giving space to non-state actors in AU and other regional integration models and initiatives. This paradigm shift will require rethinking the relationship between the state and non-state actors in Africa.展开更多
Boko Haram is wreaking havoc in the West African nation of Nigeria and the sub-region at large. The terror has seen Nigeria shaken to its core and stretched to its limits, socially, politically, and economically, with...Boko Haram is wreaking havoc in the West African nation of Nigeria and the sub-region at large. The terror has seen Nigeria shaken to its core and stretched to its limits, socially, politically, and economically, with the abduction of the Chibok school girls serving as an epitome of the country＇s powerlessness to contain the Islamic militants. The homegrown insurgency is now a fully-fledged terrorist organization adopting a transnational posture, which has kept Nigeria decentralized and vulnerable and is endangering neighboring countries in the region. The Nigerian government has the onus task of regaining stability, restoring peace and general well-being of the citizens. Responses from these governments have been varied but mainly militaristic. The article assesses the response of the continental body--the African Union （AU）. I observe that the AU has not directional or positional approach to the Nigerian conundrum. There has been, however, a potent coalition--multinational task force to contain the violent; the only effective response from Nigeria＇s neighbors and this is because of geopolitical proximity. I suggest as long term solutions, non-militaristic approaches to the Nigerian dilemma and addressing corruption.展开更多
WHEN asked to identify what organization＇s name was represented by the two letters ＂AU＂ during a current events quiz, most }unior high school pupils at a West African school failed to answer the ques- tion correctl...WHEN asked to identify what organization＇s name was represented by the two letters ＂AU＂ during a current events quiz, most }unior high school pupils at a West African school failed to answer the ques- tion correctly. The answers they gave ranged from Africans in Understanding, Africa Unite, and Africans in the United States. The pupils＇ lack of knowledge about the actual AU may be a clear reflection of how the organization is perceived in African society. It is seen as an isolated entity, whose activities appear unrelated to the common men＇s concerns,展开更多
The severity of hepatic pathology and the response to treatment depend on the hepatitis virus genotype in the infected host. The objective of this review was to determine the distribution of hepatitis virus genotypes ...The severity of hepatic pathology and the response to treatment depend on the hepatitis virus genotype in the infected host. The objective of this review was to determine the distribution of hepatitis virus genotypes in West African countries. A systematic review of the literature in PubMed, Google Scholar and Science Direct was performed to identify 52 relevant articles reporting hepatitis A, B, C, D, E and G viruses genotypes.Hepatitis B virus(HBV) genotype E with a prevalence of 90.6%(95%CI: 0.891-0.920) found in this review, is characterized by low genetic diversity. Hepatitis C virus(HCV) genotypes 1 and 2 represented 96.4% of HCV infections in West African countries, while hepatitis delta virus, hepatitis A virus, hepatitis G virus genotypes 1 and HEV genotype 3 were reported in some studies in Ghana and Nigeria. HBV genotype E is characterized by high prevalence, low genetic diversity and wide geographical distribution. Further studies on the clinical implications of HBV genotype E and HCV genotypes 1 and 2 are needed for the development of an effective treatment against this viral hepatitis in West African countries. Surveillance of the distribution of different genotypes is also needed to reduce recombination rates and prevent the emergence of more virulent viral strains.展开更多
文摘The charter that created the African Union came into effect in 2002. It is now 12 years in place but most Africans would not be sure whether they know the rationale and ultimate role of the AU in promoting good governance, peace, security and progress on the continent. Annual summits take place in Addis Ababa, and several resolutions are taken, but it is though the respective heads of states just return to their colonially engineered states to resume business as usual. As a result, poverty, conflicts （both internal and regional）, bad governance continue to plague the majority of the African countries with a few exceptions. Of late emerging economies such as China and India deal with Africa as if it were a one country--this could be the time for Africans to begin envisioning a new continental political architecture, with an African citizenship. The provisions of the African Union Charter are enshrined in the Constitutive Act, are summaries in Articles 3 and 4, that deal with objectives and principles. The objectives are （Desta, 2013, pp. 160-161）： （1） Achieve greater unity and solidarity between the African countries and peoples of Africa; （2） Defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its member states; （3） Accelerate the political and social-economic integration of the continent; （4） Promote and defend African common positions on issues of interest to the continent and its peoples; （5） Encourage intemational cooperation, taking due account of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; （6） Promote, peace, security and stability of the continent; （7） Promote democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance; （8） Promote and protect human and people＇s rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples＇ Rights and other relevant human rights instruments; （9） Establish the necessary conditions which enable the continent to play its rightful role in the global economy and in international negotiations; （10） Promote sustainable development at the economic. Social and cultural levels as well as the integration of African economies; （11） Promote co-operation in all fields of human activity to raise the living standards of African peoples; （12） Coordinate and harmonize the policies between the existing and future Regional Economic Communities for the gradual attainment of the objectives of the Union; （13） Advance the development of the continent by promoting research in all fields, in particular in science and technology; （14） Work with relevant international partners in the eradication of preventable diseases and the promotion of good health on the continent. The principles of the AU Constitutive Act are （Ibid. 162-163）： （1） Sovereign equality and interdependence among Member Sates of the Union; （2） Respect for borders existing on achievement of independence; （3） Participation of the African peoples in the activities of the Union; （4） Establishment of a common defense policy for the African Continent; （5） Peaceful resolution of conflicts among Member States of the Union through such appropriate means as may be decided upon by the Assembly; （6） Prohibition of the use of force or threat to use force among Member States of the Union; （7） Non-interference by any Member State in the internal affairs of another; （8） The right of the Union to intervene in aMember State pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely： war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity; （9） Peaceful co-existence of Member States and their right to live in peace and security; （10） The right of Member States to request intervention from the Union in order to restore peace and security; （11） Promotion of self-reliance within the framework of the Union; （12） Promotion of gender equality; m. Respect for democratic principles, human rights, rule of law and good governance; （13） Promotion of social justice to ensure balanced economic development; （14） Respect for the sanctity of human life, condemnation and rejection of impunity and political assassination, acts of terrorism and subversive activities; （15） Condemnation and rejection of unconstitutional changes of governments. While there is mention of participation of African peoples in the activities of the Union as principle （c） and objective （g）, there is no explicit mention of civil society organizations （media, faith-based organizations, and NGOs） as principle actors in implementing the objectives of the Union. I want to argue that the failure of the respective African states to eradicate poverty, end armed conflicts, and address governance issues is caused by lack of a common regional integration model that takes an African Union citizenship seriously, but at the same time respecting the role of civil society and faith-based organizations, that predate the state in Africa. It is evident that Afi＇ican Unity （AU） and sub-regional integration groups such as East African Community （EAC）, Southern African Development Community （SADC）, Economic Community Of West African States （ECOWAS）, as well the New Partnership for Africa＇s Development （NEPAD）, are designed and operationalized from a statist political philosophical framework. Moreover, since the African states are largely contested as a colonial creation, the AU cannot successfully implement the institution of an African citizenship without acknowledging the role of and giving space to non-state actors in AU and other regional integration models and initiatives. This paradigm shift will require rethinking the relationship between the state and non-state actors in Africa.
文摘Boko Haram is wreaking havoc in the West African nation of Nigeria and the sub-region at large. The terror has seen Nigeria shaken to its core and stretched to its limits, socially, politically, and economically, with the abduction of the Chibok school girls serving as an epitome of the country＇s powerlessness to contain the Islamic militants. The homegrown insurgency is now a fully-fledged terrorist organization adopting a transnational posture, which has kept Nigeria decentralized and vulnerable and is endangering neighboring countries in the region. The Nigerian government has the onus task of regaining stability, restoring peace and general well-being of the citizens. Responses from these governments have been varied but mainly militaristic. The article assesses the response of the continental body--the African Union （AU）. I observe that the AU has not directional or positional approach to the Nigerian conundrum. There has been, however, a potent coalition--multinational task force to contain the violent; the only effective response from Nigeria＇s neighbors and this is because of geopolitical proximity. I suggest as long term solutions, non-militaristic approaches to the Nigerian dilemma and addressing corruption.
文摘WHEN asked to identify what organization＇s name was represented by the two letters ＂AU＂ during a current events quiz, most }unior high school pupils at a West African school failed to answer the ques- tion correctly. The answers they gave ranged from Africans in Understanding, Africa Unite, and Africans in the United States. The pupils＇ lack of knowledge about the actual AU may be a clear reflection of how the organization is perceived in African society. It is seen as an isolated entity, whose activities appear unrelated to the common men＇s concerns,
文摘The severity of hepatic pathology and the response to treatment depend on the hepatitis virus genotype in the infected host. The objective of this review was to determine the distribution of hepatitis virus genotypes in West African countries. A systematic review of the literature in PubMed, Google Scholar and Science Direct was performed to identify 52 relevant articles reporting hepatitis A, B, C, D, E and G viruses genotypes.Hepatitis B virus(HBV) genotype E with a prevalence of 90.6%(95%CI: 0.891-0.920) found in this review, is characterized by low genetic diversity. Hepatitis C virus(HCV) genotypes 1 and 2 represented 96.4% of HCV infections in West African countries, while hepatitis delta virus, hepatitis A virus, hepatitis G virus genotypes 1 and HEV genotype 3 were reported in some studies in Ghana and Nigeria. HBV genotype E is characterized by high prevalence, low genetic diversity and wide geographical distribution. Further studies on the clinical implications of HBV genotype E and HCV genotypes 1 and 2 are needed for the development of an effective treatment against this viral hepatitis in West African countries. Surveillance of the distribution of different genotypes is also needed to reduce recombination rates and prevent the emergence of more virulent viral strains.
