According to the advocacy group Parents,Families,and Friends of Lesbians and Gays(PFLAG),gays and lesbians are victims of hate crimes seven times as often as straight peers.The question becomes what underlying ideolog...According to the advocacy group Parents,Families,and Friends of Lesbians and Gays(PFLAG),gays and lesbians are victims of hate crimes seven times as often as straight peers.The question becomes what underlying ideology currently exists in American society to perpetuate this behavior?This paper explores the impact of conservatism and religious ideology to anti-gay prejudice in public schools.The paper presents a model of an intergroup program using prevention of harassment,bullying and rejection to gay members of the student body by attempting a change in attitudes regarding gay students.It also provides recommendations for school administrators and teachers for confronting these challenges in public education.展开更多
After four decades of military dictatorship,Togo is still facing a dilemma of whether to break with the past and take a path of democratization or make changes in the continuity.The death of the former President Gnass...After four decades of military dictatorship,Togo is still facing a dilemma of whether to break with the past and take a path of democratization or make changes in the continuity.The death of the former President Gnassingbe Eyadema in 2005 was seen by the Togolese community at home and around the world as a window of opportunity or a step toward the emergence of the political liberalization in the country.Unfortunately,with the backing of the Togolese army,Faure Gnassingbe,one of the sons of Eyadema,was enthroned as the country’s new President since 2005.The international economic sanctions on Togo in the aftermath of the death of Eyadema,due to continuing human rights abuses and violations by the authoritarian regime,have accentuated the already acute suffering and poverty of the Togolese population.However,the 2006 Global Political Agreement reached between the traditional political opposition parties and the government paved the way to the normalization of the international cooperation with Togo and hence the lifting of economic sanctions by the international community.Drawing from Solow-Swan growth model and a cross-national causality test of the development-democracy-growth hypothesis of Abbas Pourgerami,this paper investigates the impact of foreign aid on the democratization process since 2005 and argues that foreign aid played a paramount role in consolidating electoral authoritarianism instead of establishing a viable democracy in Togo.展开更多
Using data from the 2012 American National Election Studies (ANES), I assess the impact of authoritarianism on the likelihood to vote for Senate, House and presidential incumbents amongst White and Black Americans. ...Using data from the 2012 American National Election Studies (ANES), I assess the impact of authoritarianism on the likelihood to vote for Senate, House and presidential incumbents amongst White and Black Americans. I find that the influence of authoritarianism on the vote for incumbents depends o11 the race of the voter and the party identification of the incumbent. This suggests that risk-averse voting behavior amongst authoritarians is a function of party affiliation in addition to perceived threat, and heavily qualified by race.展开更多
The current study attempted to formulate a conceptualization of Muslim fundamentalism as well as its counter-narratives as grounded in religious experience of Pakistani Muslims.Open ended interviews were conducted wit...The current study attempted to formulate a conceptualization of Muslim fundamentalism as well as its counter-narratives as grounded in religious experience of Pakistani Muslims.Open ended interviews were conducted with 133 Pakistani Muslim men and women of prominent local religious affiliations.Analysis revealed a grounded theory model of Muslim fundamentalism highlighting cognitive,and social psychological processes involved.Participants saw their religion as a complete code of conduct and inferred various meanings from completeness of Islam as finalized,closed to inquiry as well as rejecting of other cultures and religious traditions.The major inter-related themes of the model were totalitarianism,closed mindedness,binary thinking,hyper-exotericism,ambiguity intolerance,authoritarianism,punitive approach,violent tendencies,labelling,diversity intolerance and paranoia or threat perceiving attitude.The interplay of these factors is discussed in the light of earlier research on fundamentalism.The research also revealed strong counter narratives to fundamentalist stance which formulated the major themes of esoteric religiosity,open mindedness,pluralism,and Islam and civil society.The study carries implications for religious education of Muslims and their socialization with believers of other religious traditions.展开更多
In the last three decades of the 20th century, important political changes occurred in all regions of the world, making the institutions of many existing political systems closer to the ideals of democracy. But as hap...In the last three decades of the 20th century, important political changes occurred in all regions of the world, making the institutions of many existing political systems closer to the ideals of democracy. But as happened in other moments of history, those processes of democratization, even when successful, always occurred through advances and retreats. Thus, contemporary political practices, procedures, and institutions embody democratic ideals only partially. In many nations, in the present, the rule of law, civil, and political rights, and institutional mechanisms for citizens’ control of governments remain ineffective or underdeveloped. Thus, a double concern prevails among analysts: on the one hand, the regression to authoritarianism in some countries after the processes of political changes—Russia, Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Turkey being the paradigmatic examples;the emergence of semi-democracies, i.e., hybrid or illiberal regimes, which have provoked a new interest in the study of patterns of institutional design, the critical role of civil society, different political-cultural developments, authoritarian legacies in the context of the new democracies, competitive authoritarianism and new dictatorships. On the other hand, the acknowledgement of intrinsic limits of the historical development of the democratic regime even in the case of old democracies, i.e., the fact that political equality, active citizen participation, and effective control of abuse of power have never been fully realized in practice. This is the general context in which many analysts and part of the public opinion sustain that there is a crisis of democracy. The general diagnosis refers to the decreasing trust in political elites, political parties, parliaments, governments, and to the dissatisfaction with the regime among democrats;it refers also to the weaker and sometimes erratic performance of democratic institutions and particularly to the failure of the representative system. The picture is completed with the growing rates of partisan misalignment, electoral volatility, and declining civic participation. All this seems to indicate that democracy is inconceivable without crisis. This chapter discusses this scenario. The crisis of democracies is examined from a critical perspective, and the main objective is to understand the different dimensions of its nature and its consequences.展开更多
The challenges that lay ahead for democracy are so serious that few political scientists have the courage to risk theirreputation and pin down with relative accuracy what will happen on a 5/10/15 year basis. As a matt...The challenges that lay ahead for democracy are so serious that few political scientists have the courage to risk theirreputation and pin down with relative accuracy what will happen on a 5/10/15 year basis. As a matter of fact, whenthe term "democracy" and "enemy" is used in the same sentence there's a natural and immediate tendency---forthose who are lucky enough to live in electoral democracies---to look over the fence and not to our own backyard.That is to say, democracy's enemies, our enemies, are some sort of mythological creatures that live far away fi'omour perfect democratic bubble. This reasoning can be in part seen in the on-going debate about democracy'sstruggle against its external enemies. During the Cold War period democracy was at "war" with communism and,before that, with national-socialism and fascism. Currently, democracy faces new enemies: global authoritarianism,international terrorism, religious extremism, and Islamic fundamentalism. This thoughtfulness is only partly true.At least it's not the only reason why we are debating this matter today. According to this paper, and that's preciselypart of the problem, democracy is to some extent its own worst enemy. Why? Because most of the issues that we'redebating today are the result of a certain apathy and disentanglement of liberal democracies around the world in thelast decade.展开更多
The electronic and bibliographic sources, as well as some interviews and focus groups conducted in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, all present interpretations by different actors on the so-called democratic transition in Me...The electronic and bibliographic sources, as well as some interviews and focus groups conducted in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, all present interpretations by different actors on the so-called democratic transition in Mexico. The model, proposed Carothers (2002) to explain the transition from a dictatorship to democracy, as stage universally. This article shows which of the five assumptions of the model are present in the experience of the Mexican transition and those that were not consider applicable. He also argues that the model shows features of a teleological perspective, by omitting the particularities of each country, eliminating any reference to diversity and difference, becoming an ideological approach linked to the process of economic globalization. It criticizes the absence of discussion of social and economic objectives that should be priority in a conception of substantive democracy, rather than limiting the horizon of the transition to a liberal and normative conception, that assumes two basic formulas: (1) Democracy is equal to elections; and (2) a citizen is a vote. Contrasting documents on electoral disenchantment in Ciudad Juarez and the actions that various political actors have done, we can illustrate what can be termed substantive citizenship.展开更多
The political upheavals in the Arab world during 2011 challenged the political status quo and have irrevocably paved the way toward transformation in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), The longstanding structu...The political upheavals in the Arab world during 2011 challenged the political status quo and have irrevocably paved the way toward transformation in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), The longstanding structural impediments to equitable growth and social justice afflicting the Arab world came to a head through a combination of persistently poverty, high unemployment, particularly among educated youth, rampant corruption, deficit of democratic governance, and essential freedoms. Yemen is the third country of the Middle Eastern countries which turmoil sparked in. All the uprisings connote of social, political and economic discontent and frustration. The main question and issue of this paper is to answer: What conditions breed change to Yemen? The paper spotlights "relative deprivation" of Ted Robert Gurr as the most relevant theory to illustrate roots of the Yemen uprising. Relative deprivation theory holds that instead of an absolute standard deprivation, a gap between expectations and reality leads men to political violence. Therefore, this study is to utilize relative deprivation theory to explain how socio-economic shortages (such as high unemployment and education, along with poverty) and political inefficiencies of the Yemen's authoritarian regime led to public and collective discontent and upheaval. The intervened variables such as "ethnicity, race, religion, and sexuality" and international parameters have not been considered,展开更多
The famous English writer William Golding’s masterpiece Lord of the Flies is a modernist novel which has a profound educational significance to the people all over the world.The work mainly tells a story that a group...The famous English writer William Golding’s masterpiece Lord of the Flies is a modernist novel which has a profound educational significance to the people all over the world.The work mainly tells a story that a group of boys landed on a coral land because of an air crash.After the failure of their practice of transforming their“micro association”,these“angel like”children became the“evil demons”.The novel expresses the author's implicit view of Britain's elite education and expectations for the future.In this paper,I will discuss the cause and effect of the British elite education from the work.From the research of the British elite education,readers can have a better understanding of the author’s implied educational thought.展开更多
The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of leadership on job creativity in the public institutions of the state of Kuwait. Population of the study consisted of some public bodies, namely: General Inve...The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of leadership on job creativity in the public institutions of the state of Kuwait. Population of the study consisted of some public bodies, namely: General Investment Corporation, Kuwait Development Fund, Ministry of Planning, and Civil Service Department. There are 540 questionnaires distributed, 15 recovered, and 525 of the distributed questionnaires good for statistical analysis. Analysis of the data depended on descriptive statistical analysis, multi and simple regression. Following the hypotheses test by using the F-test, T-test, R2 coefficient and the One-Way variance analysis (ANOVA) test, the study reached the following results: There is a relation between leadership patterns and job creativity in the public institutions of the State of Kuwait. The relation is considered of medium strength, because r = 56.4% and this result matched the results of the previous studies that dealt with the same subject, which indicated that the leadership patterns affect the creative behavior in the organizations at different levels according to the prevalent pattern type. This enhances the logicality of the result, which means that the leadership patterns play a vital role in job creativity in various institutions. Results of the study showed that the democratic pattern is the most prevalent leadership pattern among managers, followed by the unrestrained pattern and finally the authoritarian pattern. Analysis results revealed that there is a weak relation between the authoritarian pattern and the job creativity in the public institutions of the State of Kuwait. The weakness of relation between the two variables can be interpreted in view of the fact that the increase of authoritarianism in leadership might give adverse results contrary to the expected and consequently, it is logical that the relation would be weak between the authoritative management approach and job creativity. There is a concern in providing work environment that encourages change in the public institutions of the State of Kuwait. Managers remarkably support the employees' efforts in performing the job. The study was concluded by the following recommendations: The effect of the leadership patterns on creative behavior was reached and therefore, the author recommended that it is necessary to choose well-qualified leadership that contributes to achieving excellence in the institutions operating in different sectors; to hold workshops, committees, seminars, and conferences in order to enhance confidence between management and employees; to concentrate on enhancing the democratic administrative pattern in the institutions due to its immense influence on the creative behavior of employees.展开更多
The present study explored the extent to which parent’s demographic characteristics,such as age,gender,education,place of residence,and family income have an influence on the parental style they adopt and consequentl...The present study explored the extent to which parent’s demographic characteristics,such as age,gender,education,place of residence,and family income have an influence on the parental style they adopt and consequently on their perception of their children’s psychological adjustment in regards to their family relationships,peer relationships,school performance,and the development of their self-esteem.Various studies conducted in the past as well as in recent years indicate that parental demographic characteristics are significantly linked with parenting behavior(parental styles)and predict the way parents perceive their children’s adjustment,development,and school achievement.The present study was quantitative and we applied three different self-report questionnaires,namely,a Personal Information Form(PIF)for the demographic data,the Parental Authority Styles(PAQ)Questionnaire,and the Questionnaire of Children’s Family Relations,School Performance,Social Competence,and Self-Esteem.We administered the instruments to 336 Cypriot parents(23%fathers and 77%mothers).Our results showed that parent’s demographics are significantly related to the parenting styles they adopt.Furthermore,authoritative parenting is significantly correlated with positive parental perceptions of children’school performance,family relationships,social skills,and self-esteem.On the contrary,authoritarian parenting is a significant negative predictor to parental perceptions of children’s adjustment in the aforementioned areas of development.展开更多
In this research work, the author focuses on the analysis of the trade interests in foreign policy of the Global South. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the new m...In this research work, the author focuses on the analysis of the trade interests in foreign policy of the Global South. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the new models of the foreign trade policy and trade interests of Global South. First of all, it must underline that in the new theoretical terms in the demand for trade policy very important is factor specificity. The low specificity of factors means that factor returns are equalized throughout a region's economy. Moreover, some factors are stuck in their present uses; therefore, factor returns are not equalized throughout a region's economy, but are industry specific. The main objective of the research task is to give a comprehensive analysis of the models of foreign trade policy, trade interests indicated by export orientation and import sensitivity, protectionistic pressures in different political system and different types of authoritarian regimes of Global South, the level of protectionistic pressures, the rise of qualitatively new politics in North-South relations like bilateral tendencies. It should be stressed that free trade in itself is not responsible for economic growth, but more significant are the determining macroeconomic stability and increasing investment of Global South.展开更多
Informal networks, practices and institutions may be observed in many different social contexts, particularly in politics. In certain political regimes, certain forms of informality are to be expected and are also tol...Informal networks, practices and institutions may be observed in many different social contexts, particularly in politics. In certain political regimes, certain forms of informality are to be expected and are also tolerated more than in others. Political informality in Eastern Europe may be presented on an axis with two poles, with many variants or combinations of informality and formality between them. These positions also allow the identification of specific regime types and legal systems. This chapter seeks to contextualize the distinction between the formal and the informal and to relate it to types of political regime, the principal focus resting on informal politics. Specific political contexts may produce practices of informality that have become so generalised that they can be described as cultures of informality. The interesting question is: to what extent are specific forms of informal structures more resilient in particular regime types than in others? Particularly looking at some of the more-or-less autocratic Euroasiatic states, one can easily recognize that the very purpose of informal politics and institutions is to restrict or eliminate political competition. Forms and meanings of what is informal and formal change the further one moves eastwards. Formal rules are and may be used together with informal institutions to control society. All this points to specific cultures of informality that can be observed, as well as different cultures of trust and distrust. On the other hand, such cultures of informality have to be considered in the context of specific political systems, together with their regimes (the concrete configurations of political power) and their organisations. This paper looks particularly at hybrid non-democracies and suggests one might consider them, in the perspective ofNiklas Luhmann's system theory, as parasites of functional differentiation.展开更多
This abstract has concerned primarily with the new look to the stages of post-Soviet Kazakh nationalism development embedded in context of Eurasian concept. Could we prove true widely held predictions about future str...This abstract has concerned primarily with the new look to the stages of post-Soviet Kazakh nationalism development embedded in context of Eurasian concept. Could we prove true widely held predictions about future strengthening of nationalists' position in post-crisis country? As we state, opposite to above mentioned ideas, the more Kazakhstan would be involved in to Russian politics orbit which means further movement to Eurasian "path" the more undermined should be Kazakh nationalists conventional certainties. Moreover, one of the world crisis consequences could be displayed in leadership authoritarian tendencies strengthening. The latter undoubtedly ought to erode Kazakh nationalists' position.展开更多
This Study Investigated The Effects Of Parenting Styles On College Students’Social Anxiety Through Quantitative Analysis.The Parenting Style Four-Factor Questionnaire(Psffq)And The Social Anxiety Scale Were Used To S...This Study Investigated The Effects Of Parenting Styles On College Students’Social Anxiety Through Quantitative Analysis.The Parenting Style Four-Factor Questionnaire(Psffq)And The Social Anxiety Scale Were Used To Survey 200 Freshmen(100 Of Each Gender).The Results Showed That Permissive Parenting Style Was The Most Common And Was Significantly And Positively Associated With Social Anxiety.Parental Non-Involvement Parenting Style Was Most Significantly Related To Social Anxiety.There Was No Significant Difference Between Age And Gender On Social Anxiety Levels.展开更多
In the aftermath of the coup attempt,there have been debates about a Eurasianist axis shift in Turkish Foreign Policy.The development of relations with Russia and China in parallel with the tension in relations with W...In the aftermath of the coup attempt,there have been debates about a Eurasianist axis shift in Turkish Foreign Policy.The development of relations with Russia and China in parallel with the tension in relations with Western actors has given rise to these debates.The fact that the links established with these two countries do not depend on a conditional cooperation and criticism from the West on the basis of authoritarianism,together with the background of political alliances formed after the change of government system,keeps the Eurasianist discourse at the forefront.Statements on rapprochement with the SCO and even membership are integrated into pragmatism in the context of tensions with the West,regional security risks and expectations,and economic/commercial needs.The government’s continued emphasis on NATO membership,the public’s view of the EU accession,and the continued dependence on trade and investments show that the Eurasianist outlook is a pragmatism linked to conjunctural needs.展开更多
In the mid-seventies,Paraguay was two decades into what would ultimately be the second longest dictatorship in its history,second only to the reign of its“founding father,”Doctor Jose Rodriguez Gaspar de Francia.The...In the mid-seventies,Paraguay was two decades into what would ultimately be the second longest dictatorship in its history,second only to the reign of its“founding father,”Doctor Jose Rodriguez Gaspar de Francia.The regime of Alfredo Stroessner justified its existence and articulated its continued role in Paraguayan politics on a genealogy of national identity that had its supposed roots in the Francia government,Francia’s political ideology and,in fact,in the historical person of Francia himself.In this essay I show how the great Paraguayan writer Augusto Roa Bastos’s 1974 novel,I,the Supreme,takes aim at the“kernel of the real”in the Stroessner regime’s political genealogy,using fiction to make evident its anamorphic manipulation of national and nationalist identity.By taking at its word the regime’s historical discourse,I,the Supreme reveals the psychotic logic animating its version of political power.展开更多
This study examines how and when authoritarian leadership affects subordinates’task performance.Using social exchange theory and power dependence theory,this study proposes that authoritarian leadership negatively in...This study examines how and when authoritarian leadership affects subordinates’task performance.Using social exchange theory and power dependence theory,this study proposes that authoritarian leadership negatively influences task performance through leader-member exchange(LMX).This study further proposes that the effect of authoritarian leadership on LMX is stronger when a subordinate has less dependence on a leader.A two-wave survey was conducted in a large electronics and information enterprise group in China.These hypotheses are supported by results based on 219 supervisor-subordinate dyads.The results reveal that authoritarian leadership negatively affects subordinates’task performance via LMX.Dependence on leader buffers the negative effect of authoritarian leadership on LMX and mitigates the indirect effect of authoritarian leadership on employee task performance through LMX.Theoretical contributions and practical implications are discussed.展开更多
The election of Donald Trump can be partially understood in the context of the rise of authoritarian populist, nationalist, and anti-globalist movements throughout the world. Unlike previous American presidents in the...The election of Donald Trump can be partially understood in the context of the rise of authoritarian populist, nationalist, and anti-globalist movements throughout the world. Unlike previous American presidents in the modern era, however, Donald Trump had no previous political experience and emerged from media culture and the business world, rather than the world of party politics. In this paper, I will focus on the assault on globalization in the Trump campaign, look at his administration and actions as president, and raise questions concerning whether or not he has betrayed his anti-globalist followers and is pursing business-as-usual for global, corporate capitalism---or something else. This investigation also leads us into engaging the Trump campaign/administration connections with Russia and the role of Russia and global computer networks in Election 2016, making Election 2016 the first US election deeply shaped by global political forces and the Interuet, new media, and social networking.展开更多
文摘According to the advocacy group Parents,Families,and Friends of Lesbians and Gays(PFLAG),gays and lesbians are victims of hate crimes seven times as often as straight peers.The question becomes what underlying ideology currently exists in American society to perpetuate this behavior?This paper explores the impact of conservatism and religious ideology to anti-gay prejudice in public schools.The paper presents a model of an intergroup program using prevention of harassment,bullying and rejection to gay members of the student body by attempting a change in attitudes regarding gay students.It also provides recommendations for school administrators and teachers for confronting these challenges in public education.
文摘After four decades of military dictatorship,Togo is still facing a dilemma of whether to break with the past and take a path of democratization or make changes in the continuity.The death of the former President Gnassingbe Eyadema in 2005 was seen by the Togolese community at home and around the world as a window of opportunity or a step toward the emergence of the political liberalization in the country.Unfortunately,with the backing of the Togolese army,Faure Gnassingbe,one of the sons of Eyadema,was enthroned as the country’s new President since 2005.The international economic sanctions on Togo in the aftermath of the death of Eyadema,due to continuing human rights abuses and violations by the authoritarian regime,have accentuated the already acute suffering and poverty of the Togolese population.However,the 2006 Global Political Agreement reached between the traditional political opposition parties and the government paved the way to the normalization of the international cooperation with Togo and hence the lifting of economic sanctions by the international community.Drawing from Solow-Swan growth model and a cross-national causality test of the development-democracy-growth hypothesis of Abbas Pourgerami,this paper investigates the impact of foreign aid on the democratization process since 2005 and argues that foreign aid played a paramount role in consolidating electoral authoritarianism instead of establishing a viable democracy in Togo.
文摘Using data from the 2012 American National Election Studies (ANES), I assess the impact of authoritarianism on the likelihood to vote for Senate, House and presidential incumbents amongst White and Black Americans. I find that the influence of authoritarianism on the vote for incumbents depends o11 the race of the voter and the party identification of the incumbent. This suggests that risk-averse voting behavior amongst authoritarians is a function of party affiliation in addition to perceived threat, and heavily qualified by race.
文摘The current study attempted to formulate a conceptualization of Muslim fundamentalism as well as its counter-narratives as grounded in religious experience of Pakistani Muslims.Open ended interviews were conducted with 133 Pakistani Muslim men and women of prominent local religious affiliations.Analysis revealed a grounded theory model of Muslim fundamentalism highlighting cognitive,and social psychological processes involved.Participants saw their religion as a complete code of conduct and inferred various meanings from completeness of Islam as finalized,closed to inquiry as well as rejecting of other cultures and religious traditions.The major inter-related themes of the model were totalitarianism,closed mindedness,binary thinking,hyper-exotericism,ambiguity intolerance,authoritarianism,punitive approach,violent tendencies,labelling,diversity intolerance and paranoia or threat perceiving attitude.The interplay of these factors is discussed in the light of earlier research on fundamentalism.The research also revealed strong counter narratives to fundamentalist stance which formulated the major themes of esoteric religiosity,open mindedness,pluralism,and Islam and civil society.The study carries implications for religious education of Muslims and their socialization with believers of other religious traditions.
文摘In the last three decades of the 20th century, important political changes occurred in all regions of the world, making the institutions of many existing political systems closer to the ideals of democracy. But as happened in other moments of history, those processes of democratization, even when successful, always occurred through advances and retreats. Thus, contemporary political practices, procedures, and institutions embody democratic ideals only partially. In many nations, in the present, the rule of law, civil, and political rights, and institutional mechanisms for citizens’ control of governments remain ineffective or underdeveloped. Thus, a double concern prevails among analysts: on the one hand, the regression to authoritarianism in some countries after the processes of political changes—Russia, Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Turkey being the paradigmatic examples;the emergence of semi-democracies, i.e., hybrid or illiberal regimes, which have provoked a new interest in the study of patterns of institutional design, the critical role of civil society, different political-cultural developments, authoritarian legacies in the context of the new democracies, competitive authoritarianism and new dictatorships. On the other hand, the acknowledgement of intrinsic limits of the historical development of the democratic regime even in the case of old democracies, i.e., the fact that political equality, active citizen participation, and effective control of abuse of power have never been fully realized in practice. This is the general context in which many analysts and part of the public opinion sustain that there is a crisis of democracy. The general diagnosis refers to the decreasing trust in political elites, political parties, parliaments, governments, and to the dissatisfaction with the regime among democrats;it refers also to the weaker and sometimes erratic performance of democratic institutions and particularly to the failure of the representative system. The picture is completed with the growing rates of partisan misalignment, electoral volatility, and declining civic participation. All this seems to indicate that democracy is inconceivable without crisis. This chapter discusses this scenario. The crisis of democracies is examined from a critical perspective, and the main objective is to understand the different dimensions of its nature and its consequences.
文摘The challenges that lay ahead for democracy are so serious that few political scientists have the courage to risk theirreputation and pin down with relative accuracy what will happen on a 5/10/15 year basis. As a matter of fact, whenthe term "democracy" and "enemy" is used in the same sentence there's a natural and immediate tendency---forthose who are lucky enough to live in electoral democracies---to look over the fence and not to our own backyard.That is to say, democracy's enemies, our enemies, are some sort of mythological creatures that live far away fi'omour perfect democratic bubble. This reasoning can be in part seen in the on-going debate about democracy'sstruggle against its external enemies. During the Cold War period democracy was at "war" with communism and,before that, with national-socialism and fascism. Currently, democracy faces new enemies: global authoritarianism,international terrorism, religious extremism, and Islamic fundamentalism. This thoughtfulness is only partly true.At least it's not the only reason why we are debating this matter today. According to this paper, and that's preciselypart of the problem, democracy is to some extent its own worst enemy. Why? Because most of the issues that we'redebating today are the result of a certain apathy and disentanglement of liberal democracies around the world in thelast decade.
文摘The electronic and bibliographic sources, as well as some interviews and focus groups conducted in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, all present interpretations by different actors on the so-called democratic transition in Mexico. The model, proposed Carothers (2002) to explain the transition from a dictatorship to democracy, as stage universally. This article shows which of the five assumptions of the model are present in the experience of the Mexican transition and those that were not consider applicable. He also argues that the model shows features of a teleological perspective, by omitting the particularities of each country, eliminating any reference to diversity and difference, becoming an ideological approach linked to the process of economic globalization. It criticizes the absence of discussion of social and economic objectives that should be priority in a conception of substantive democracy, rather than limiting the horizon of the transition to a liberal and normative conception, that assumes two basic formulas: (1) Democracy is equal to elections; and (2) a citizen is a vote. Contrasting documents on electoral disenchantment in Ciudad Juarez and the actions that various political actors have done, we can illustrate what can be termed substantive citizenship.
文摘The political upheavals in the Arab world during 2011 challenged the political status quo and have irrevocably paved the way toward transformation in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), The longstanding structural impediments to equitable growth and social justice afflicting the Arab world came to a head through a combination of persistently poverty, high unemployment, particularly among educated youth, rampant corruption, deficit of democratic governance, and essential freedoms. Yemen is the third country of the Middle Eastern countries which turmoil sparked in. All the uprisings connote of social, political and economic discontent and frustration. The main question and issue of this paper is to answer: What conditions breed change to Yemen? The paper spotlights "relative deprivation" of Ted Robert Gurr as the most relevant theory to illustrate roots of the Yemen uprising. Relative deprivation theory holds that instead of an absolute standard deprivation, a gap between expectations and reality leads men to political violence. Therefore, this study is to utilize relative deprivation theory to explain how socio-economic shortages (such as high unemployment and education, along with poverty) and political inefficiencies of the Yemen's authoritarian regime led to public and collective discontent and upheaval. The intervened variables such as "ethnicity, race, religion, and sexuality" and international parameters have not been considered,
文摘The famous English writer William Golding’s masterpiece Lord of the Flies is a modernist novel which has a profound educational significance to the people all over the world.The work mainly tells a story that a group of boys landed on a coral land because of an air crash.After the failure of their practice of transforming their“micro association”,these“angel like”children became the“evil demons”.The novel expresses the author's implicit view of Britain's elite education and expectations for the future.In this paper,I will discuss the cause and effect of the British elite education from the work.From the research of the British elite education,readers can have a better understanding of the author’s implied educational thought.
文摘The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of leadership on job creativity in the public institutions of the state of Kuwait. Population of the study consisted of some public bodies, namely: General Investment Corporation, Kuwait Development Fund, Ministry of Planning, and Civil Service Department. There are 540 questionnaires distributed, 15 recovered, and 525 of the distributed questionnaires good for statistical analysis. Analysis of the data depended on descriptive statistical analysis, multi and simple regression. Following the hypotheses test by using the F-test, T-test, R2 coefficient and the One-Way variance analysis (ANOVA) test, the study reached the following results: There is a relation between leadership patterns and job creativity in the public institutions of the State of Kuwait. The relation is considered of medium strength, because r = 56.4% and this result matched the results of the previous studies that dealt with the same subject, which indicated that the leadership patterns affect the creative behavior in the organizations at different levels according to the prevalent pattern type. This enhances the logicality of the result, which means that the leadership patterns play a vital role in job creativity in various institutions. Results of the study showed that the democratic pattern is the most prevalent leadership pattern among managers, followed by the unrestrained pattern and finally the authoritarian pattern. Analysis results revealed that there is a weak relation between the authoritarian pattern and the job creativity in the public institutions of the State of Kuwait. The weakness of relation between the two variables can be interpreted in view of the fact that the increase of authoritarianism in leadership might give adverse results contrary to the expected and consequently, it is logical that the relation would be weak between the authoritative management approach and job creativity. There is a concern in providing work environment that encourages change in the public institutions of the State of Kuwait. Managers remarkably support the employees' efforts in performing the job. The study was concluded by the following recommendations: The effect of the leadership patterns on creative behavior was reached and therefore, the author recommended that it is necessary to choose well-qualified leadership that contributes to achieving excellence in the institutions operating in different sectors; to hold workshops, committees, seminars, and conferences in order to enhance confidence between management and employees; to concentrate on enhancing the democratic administrative pattern in the institutions due to its immense influence on the creative behavior of employees.
文摘The present study explored the extent to which parent’s demographic characteristics,such as age,gender,education,place of residence,and family income have an influence on the parental style they adopt and consequently on their perception of their children’s psychological adjustment in regards to their family relationships,peer relationships,school performance,and the development of their self-esteem.Various studies conducted in the past as well as in recent years indicate that parental demographic characteristics are significantly linked with parenting behavior(parental styles)and predict the way parents perceive their children’s adjustment,development,and school achievement.The present study was quantitative and we applied three different self-report questionnaires,namely,a Personal Information Form(PIF)for the demographic data,the Parental Authority Styles(PAQ)Questionnaire,and the Questionnaire of Children’s Family Relations,School Performance,Social Competence,and Self-Esteem.We administered the instruments to 336 Cypriot parents(23%fathers and 77%mothers).Our results showed that parent’s demographics are significantly related to the parenting styles they adopt.Furthermore,authoritative parenting is significantly correlated with positive parental perceptions of children’school performance,family relationships,social skills,and self-esteem.On the contrary,authoritarian parenting is a significant negative predictor to parental perceptions of children’s adjustment in the aforementioned areas of development.
文摘In this research work, the author focuses on the analysis of the trade interests in foreign policy of the Global South. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the new models of the foreign trade policy and trade interests of Global South. First of all, it must underline that in the new theoretical terms in the demand for trade policy very important is factor specificity. The low specificity of factors means that factor returns are equalized throughout a region's economy. Moreover, some factors are stuck in their present uses; therefore, factor returns are not equalized throughout a region's economy, but are industry specific. The main objective of the research task is to give a comprehensive analysis of the models of foreign trade policy, trade interests indicated by export orientation and import sensitivity, protectionistic pressures in different political system and different types of authoritarian regimes of Global South, the level of protectionistic pressures, the rise of qualitatively new politics in North-South relations like bilateral tendencies. It should be stressed that free trade in itself is not responsible for economic growth, but more significant are the determining macroeconomic stability and increasing investment of Global South.
文摘Informal networks, practices and institutions may be observed in many different social contexts, particularly in politics. In certain political regimes, certain forms of informality are to be expected and are also tolerated more than in others. Political informality in Eastern Europe may be presented on an axis with two poles, with many variants or combinations of informality and formality between them. These positions also allow the identification of specific regime types and legal systems. This chapter seeks to contextualize the distinction between the formal and the informal and to relate it to types of political regime, the principal focus resting on informal politics. Specific political contexts may produce practices of informality that have become so generalised that they can be described as cultures of informality. The interesting question is: to what extent are specific forms of informal structures more resilient in particular regime types than in others? Particularly looking at some of the more-or-less autocratic Euroasiatic states, one can easily recognize that the very purpose of informal politics and institutions is to restrict or eliminate political competition. Forms and meanings of what is informal and formal change the further one moves eastwards. Formal rules are and may be used together with informal institutions to control society. All this points to specific cultures of informality that can be observed, as well as different cultures of trust and distrust. On the other hand, such cultures of informality have to be considered in the context of specific political systems, together with their regimes (the concrete configurations of political power) and their organisations. This paper looks particularly at hybrid non-democracies and suggests one might consider them, in the perspective ofNiklas Luhmann's system theory, as parasites of functional differentiation.
文摘This abstract has concerned primarily with the new look to the stages of post-Soviet Kazakh nationalism development embedded in context of Eurasian concept. Could we prove true widely held predictions about future strengthening of nationalists' position in post-crisis country? As we state, opposite to above mentioned ideas, the more Kazakhstan would be involved in to Russian politics orbit which means further movement to Eurasian "path" the more undermined should be Kazakh nationalists conventional certainties. Moreover, one of the world crisis consequences could be displayed in leadership authoritarian tendencies strengthening. The latter undoubtedly ought to erode Kazakh nationalists' position.
文摘This Study Investigated The Effects Of Parenting Styles On College Students’Social Anxiety Through Quantitative Analysis.The Parenting Style Four-Factor Questionnaire(Psffq)And The Social Anxiety Scale Were Used To Survey 200 Freshmen(100 Of Each Gender).The Results Showed That Permissive Parenting Style Was The Most Common And Was Significantly And Positively Associated With Social Anxiety.Parental Non-Involvement Parenting Style Was Most Significantly Related To Social Anxiety.There Was No Significant Difference Between Age And Gender On Social Anxiety Levels.
文摘In the aftermath of the coup attempt,there have been debates about a Eurasianist axis shift in Turkish Foreign Policy.The development of relations with Russia and China in parallel with the tension in relations with Western actors has given rise to these debates.The fact that the links established with these two countries do not depend on a conditional cooperation and criticism from the West on the basis of authoritarianism,together with the background of political alliances formed after the change of government system,keeps the Eurasianist discourse at the forefront.Statements on rapprochement with the SCO and even membership are integrated into pragmatism in the context of tensions with the West,regional security risks and expectations,and economic/commercial needs.The government’s continued emphasis on NATO membership,the public’s view of the EU accession,and the continued dependence on trade and investments show that the Eurasianist outlook is a pragmatism linked to conjunctural needs.
文摘In the mid-seventies,Paraguay was two decades into what would ultimately be the second longest dictatorship in its history,second only to the reign of its“founding father,”Doctor Jose Rodriguez Gaspar de Francia.The regime of Alfredo Stroessner justified its existence and articulated its continued role in Paraguayan politics on a genealogy of national identity that had its supposed roots in the Francia government,Francia’s political ideology and,in fact,in the historical person of Francia himself.In this essay I show how the great Paraguayan writer Augusto Roa Bastos’s 1974 novel,I,the Supreme,takes aim at the“kernel of the real”in the Stroessner regime’s political genealogy,using fiction to make evident its anamorphic manipulation of national and nationalist identity.By taking at its word the regime’s historical discourse,I,the Supreme reveals the psychotic logic animating its version of political power.
基金the National Natural Science Foundation of China(No.71971211)the Humanity and Social Science Youth Foundation of Ministry of Education of China(18YJC630192).
文摘This study examines how and when authoritarian leadership affects subordinates’task performance.Using social exchange theory and power dependence theory,this study proposes that authoritarian leadership negatively influences task performance through leader-member exchange(LMX).This study further proposes that the effect of authoritarian leadership on LMX is stronger when a subordinate has less dependence on a leader.A two-wave survey was conducted in a large electronics and information enterprise group in China.These hypotheses are supported by results based on 219 supervisor-subordinate dyads.The results reveal that authoritarian leadership negatively affects subordinates’task performance via LMX.Dependence on leader buffers the negative effect of authoritarian leadership on LMX and mitigates the indirect effect of authoritarian leadership on employee task performance through LMX.Theoretical contributions and practical implications are discussed.
文摘The election of Donald Trump can be partially understood in the context of the rise of authoritarian populist, nationalist, and anti-globalist movements throughout the world. Unlike previous American presidents in the modern era, however, Donald Trump had no previous political experience and emerged from media culture and the business world, rather than the world of party politics. In this paper, I will focus on the assault on globalization in the Trump campaign, look at his administration and actions as president, and raise questions concerning whether or not he has betrayed his anti-globalist followers and is pursing business-as-usual for global, corporate capitalism---or something else. This investigation also leads us into engaging the Trump campaign/administration connections with Russia and the role of Russia and global computer networks in Election 2016, making Election 2016 the first US election deeply shaped by global political forces and the Interuet, new media, and social networking.