Moderating effect of corporate financialization on the impact of climate policy on corporate green innovation:Evidence from China

With intensifying global climate change,humanity is confronted with unparalleled environmental challenges and risks.This study employs the staggered difference-in-difference model to examine the relationship between climate policy and green innovation in the corporate financialization context.Using Chinese-listed company data from 2008 to 2020,our analysis reveals a favorable correlation between China’s carbon emission trading policy(CCTP)and advancements in green innovation.Furthermore,we find that the level of corporate financialization moderates this correlation,diminishing the driving effect of CCTP on green innovation.Additionally,results of heterogeneity analysis show that this moderating consequence is more evident in non-state owned and low-digitization enterprises compared with state-owned and high-digitization ones.Our findings contribute to the existing literature by clarifying the interaction between CCTP,green innovation,and corporate financialization.Our research provides valuable insights for policymakers and stakeholders seeking to strengthen climate policies and encourages green innovation in different types of businesses.

Status, Transition, and Impact of the Yoon Suk-yeol Administration’s Trade Policy with China

China is Korea’s main trade partner in East Asia and one of its key economic and trade partners worldwide.The two countries have complementary industrial structure and a long history of trade exchanges.However,against the backdrop of a return to global trade protectionism and the politicization of international affairs with Yoon Suk-yeol coming to power,South Korea has undertaken a strong trade shift toward the United States(US),triggering a change in the pattern of economic cooperation in East Asia and challenging the regional trade structure.A review of the trade policy agenda of the Yoon Suk-yeol administration toward the US and China,along with a comparative review of Korea’s foreign trade stance under Moon Jae-in,allows for an analysis of the turnaround and characteristics of Yoon’s trade policy toward China during his tenure.The implications for global trade governance and regional security are further analyzed with an aim of finding a Nash equilibrium in trade cooperation among East Asian countries.

Findings from 2010 Global Adult Tobacco Survey: Implementation of MPOWER Policy in China

Objective To assess the implementation of five key tobacco control policies in China： protection from second-hand smoke （SHS）; offering help to quit; health warnings regarding tobacco use; the enforcement of bans on tobacco advertising, promotion, and sponsorship; and increasing tobacco taxes and prices. Methods Using 2010 Global Adults Tobacco Survey in China （GATS-China）, 10 indicators are used to assess the implementation of five key tobacco control policies of MPOWER in China. Results Overall, 63.3% and 72.7% of adultsnoticed people smoking indoor workplaces and public places, respectively. Approximately 60% of smokers were not asked about their smoking habits and approximately 67% were not advised to quit on their visit to a health worker. Sixty percent of adults noticed health warning messages on cigarette packaging and in the media in the last 30 days, 63.6% stated that they would not consider quitting. Twenty percent of respondents noticed tobacco advertising, promotion, and/or sponsorship activities in the 30 days prior to the survey. Among them, 76.3% noticed the direct advertising and 50% noticed from TV programs. Although purchasing price of one pack of cigarettes ranged from 1 to 200 RMB, 50% of current smokers （about 150 million） spent 5 RMB or less on one pack of cigarette. The expenditure on 100 packets of cigarettes represents 2% of 2009 GDP per capita. Conclusion The average score for the implementation of the 5 policies of MPOWER in China is 37.3 points, indicating tobacco control policies in China is poor and there is a large gaps from the FCTC requirements.

Global Burden of Disease, Injury and Risk Factor Study 2010: Its Policy Implications for China

Results of the Global Burden of Disease, Injury and Risk Factor Study 2010 （GBD 2010） were released on December 13, 2012 in London, a series of papers concerning the project have been published in the Lancet[1]. Research findings of the project have been reported in the United States, the United Kingdom, Indonesia, China[2] and Australia, and widely applied across the world. In addition, the GBD 2010 will see more countries report their project research findings and implement these findings in the near future. The GBD 2010 provides researchers, administrators and policymakers with new and critical sources for their research, teaching and policymaking.

Where is the future of China's biogas? Review, forecast,and policy implications

This paper discusses the history and present status of different categories of biogas production in China,most of which are classified into rural household production,agriculture-based engineering production,and industry-based engineering production.To evaluate the future biogas production of China,five models including the Hubbert model,the Weibull model,the generalized Weng model,the H-C-Z model,and the Grey model are applied to analyze and forecast the biogas production of each province and the entire country.It is proved that those models which originated from oil research can also be applied to other energy sources.The simulation results reveal that China＇s total biogas production is unlikely to keep on a fast-growing trend in the next few years,mainly due to a recent decrease in rural household production,and this greatly differs from the previous goal set by the official department.In addition,China＇s biogas production will present a more uneven pattern among regions in the future.This paper will give preliminary explanation for the regional difference of the three biogas sectors and propose some recommendations for instituting corresponding policies and strategies to promote the development of the biogas industry in China.

Bush' s China Policy and the Future of Sino-U.S.Relations

The past two years have witnessed great fluctuations ininternational oil prices,and diplomatic efforts,both above andunder the table,by major powers around this issue.The currenttension in the war-threatened Iraq has added more uncertainties to thefuture world oil situation.Will the world oil supply and demand change?What impact would this exert on big powers’ oil strategy choices,geopolitics as well as world economy?What should China do in such asituation?To find the answers to these questions,at the invitation of theeditor of the Contemporary International Relations,seven experts fromChina Institute of Contemporary International Relations gathered to have adiscussion in early February this year.Naturally,they have differentviews over many issues.Still,we hope our readers would find theirdiscussion interesting.Following is the list of participants.

Prospects of the New German Government’s China Policy

In contrast to the Merkel era, the emphasis on ideological disputes and competition with China is evident in the new German government's Coalition Treaty and several of its new ministers' expressions about China. Against the background of the rising antagonism between China and the West as well as the continuous efforts of the US to urge Europe to curb China in recent years, Germany's understanding of China tends to be negative. Besides, because of the changes in Germany's political landscape and in Sino-German economic and trade relations, the new government is likely to reinforce its defense against and pressure upon China, reduce its strategic dependence on China, strengthen the coordination with its European and American allies for a collective China policy, and compete for dominance in economy and trade, science and technology, global infrastructure, and rules and standards. Sino-German relations may fluctuate, but because of the binding of the economy and trade between the two countries, internal contradictions inside the Western Bloc, and the German tradition of diplomatic pragmatism, the new government will adjust its China policy on the basis of continuation, so that the reversal of the Sino-German relations is hardly to be triggered.

China's Foreign Policy under New Circumstances (Ⅱ)

The Iraq war and the North Korean nuclear crisis are the two big events that are attracting worldwide attention. The many debates and changes that have arisen around the globe from these two issues, with the former in particular, cannot but cause

Viewing U. S. China Policy from PNTR

After the U.S. House of Representatives approved China’s permanent normaltrade relations(PNTR) bill on May 24by a vote of 237-197, the Senate finallypassed the bill overwhelmingly on September 19 by a vote of 83-15, and PresidentBill Clinton signed it into law on October 10, terminating the U. S. practice of re-viewing China’s "most-favored-nation(MFN)" status on an annual basis in thepast 20 years. It is a great event with profound meanings in China-U. S. relations.

Research Report on China's Policy toward Central/East European Countries

With the admission of eight Central/East European countries in May 1, 2004 in sight, realization of the objective of EU’s first phase eastern extension will signify a major step toward the concept of "a Europe kept far away from war" through promoting regional integration.

Major Features of the New Situation and China's Foreign Policy

Speaking of "China’s foreign policy under new circumstances," there are five features of the new circumstances in my opinion. All these five features will not fundamentally change in accordance with major events such as the Iraq war, and to a certain extent, determine that China’s basic foreign policy need not and will not make major adjustments.

China＇s G20 Policy： Continuation and Adjustment

As the biggest developing country in the Group of Twenty （G20）, China has consistently supported measures to stimulate world economic recovery, called for reform of the international financial system and substantial assistance to developing countries, and opposed protectionism in all forms. Given the stagnation of the G20 process in recent years, China has focused on the Development Agenda in the G20 framework and, in particular, promoted the importance of infrastructure in global economic growth, an area that intersects with development, investment, employment, and assistance to developing countries. By combining her own economic advantage with the great demand for infrastructure financing in the developing world, China expects to help developing countries build their own capacity in economic growth and at the same time provide greater leadership in narrowing the deficit in global economic governance.

Economic Analysis of Diesel Fuel Subsidy Policy in China's Fishery

In this paper,on the basis of an overview of the evolution of diesel fuel subsidy policy in China's fishery,we perform an economic analysis of the existing diesel fuel subsidy policy,and believe that it is fishing shareholders rather than fishermen who benefit most from the diesel fuel subsidy policy. The diesel fuel subsidy policy is not conducive to fishery resources protection,it will cause no fluctuation in the supply price of aquatic products,and it can not effectively increase the income of all fishermen. It is necessary to focus on subsidy method,subsidy links and subsidy level to improve diesel fuel subsidy efficiency,lower production costs,stabilize fishery production,and increase the income of fishermen.

The Behavioral Logic behind India’s Tough Foreign Policy toward China

Conflict between India and China at the Galwan Valley has brought their bilateral relations to the lowest point since the border war in 1962.Although this conflict appeared incidental,it in fact was the inevitable result of India's tough foreign policy featuring"high risk,high yield"pursued by the Modi administration toward China.The subsequent measures of India's tough diplomacy toward China have become more frequent,reflecting both a desire to seek revenge and a deep level of India's logic.Such logic considers not only the policy inertia of India's long-term pursuit of absolute security and dominance in the regional order.but also the intention of Modi's government to overtake China by taking advantages of India's favorable external strategic environment.The existing structural contradictions in China-India relations and the right-leaning tendencies in India's domestic political ecology have laid the groundwork for this conflict to occur and for the Modi administration to pursue a tough foreign policy toward China.This conflict has once again shown the rapid decay of the existing operational mechanism and architecture of thei bilateral relations,which can no longer smooth over the complex interactions between the two major emerging neighbors.As a result,the moment has arrived for China and India to restructure their relations,otherwise their relationship can hardly be continued.

Report on China's ASEAN Policy

In the mid-1990s,the Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN)was in top condition since its establishment in 1967.At that time with good governments and united people,all of

Report on China's EU Policy

With the coming of the new century, the European Union (EU)arrives on the world scene with a complete new look. At the beginning of the year, the union signed the Nice Treaty in response to the needs of further integration and east-ward enlargement.

EU's China Policy Analysed

Striving for closer bilateral ties has dominated European Union’s China policyadjustments since the mid-nineties.Four major decisions of strategic signifi-cance in this regard were made in quick succession from January to April this year.First came the consensus in January to hold an EU-China Summit in the mar-