The rise of ASEAN, China and India as economic powers is of great significance to regional as well as global economic development. Although their ascendance in the global economy will continue, they will have to go to...The rise of ASEAN, China and India as economic powers is of great significance to regional as well as global economic development. Although their ascendance in the global economy will continue, they will have to go to great pains to meet the new challenges. Considering ASEAN, China and India as a group, due to their differences in economic development levels, economic structures and policy concern priorities, it is difficult for them to formulate a unifiedposition on a range of global issues. ASEAN, China and India must foster an open, transparent and efficient regional as well as global environment. They need to cooperate in designing the architecture to ensure regional as well as global freer trade and investmen, and more stable finance, and to play more active roles in future global governance and rulemaking.展开更多
Climate mitigation has become a global issue and most countries have promised their greenhouse gas reduction target. However, after Trump took office as president of the United States （US）, the US withdrew from the ...Climate mitigation has become a global issue and most countries have promised their greenhouse gas reduction target. However, after Trump took office as president of the United States （US）, the US withdrew from the Paris Agreement. As the biggest economy, this would have impacts on the emission space of other countries. This paper, by using the integrated model of energy, environ- ment and economy/computable general equilibrium （IMED/CGE） model, assesses the impacts of the US withdrawal from Paris Agreement on China, India in terms of carbon emission space and mitigation cost under Nationally Determined Contributions （NDCs） and 2~C scenarios due to changed emission pathway of the US. The results show that, under the condition of constant global cumulative carbon emissions and fixed burden sharing scheme among the countries, the failure of the US to honor its NDC commitment will increase its carbon emission space and decrease its mitigation cost. However, the carbon emission space of other regions, including China and India, will be reduced and their mitigation costs will be raised. In 2030, under the 2℃ target, the carbon price will increase by US$14.3 to US$45.3/t in China and by US S10.7 to US$33.9/t in India. In addition, China and India will incur additional GDP loss. Under the 2℃ target, the GDP loss of China would increase by US$23.3 to US$72.6 billion （equivalent to US$17.4 to US$54.2/capita）, and that of India would rise by US$14.2 to US$43.1 billion （equivalent to US$9.3 to US$28.2/capita）.展开更多
China and India seek to exert a positive influence on-the world Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao dis- played his signature smile as he and his visiting Indian counter- part Manmohan Singh signed a document to upgrade China-...China and India seek to exert a positive influence on-the world Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao dis- played his signature smile as he and his visiting Indian counter- part Manmohan Singh signed a document to upgrade China-India relations in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on January 14.Wen had good rea- son to be confident.Having just concluded a fruitful meeting in which the two leaders reached a consensus on a wide range of top- ics,they were now reaffirming in a written document the two countries’commitment to intensifying bilateral cooperation from a global perspective.展开更多
China and India, the most populous countries in the world, are now in the media spotlight because of their enviable economic development. To some extent, however, the role and future position of the two Asian giants h...China and India, the most populous countries in the world, are now in the media spotlight because of their enviable economic development. To some extent, however, the role and future position of the two Asian giants have been misread, and their influence exaggerated.展开更多
In the past,the nature of global geopolitical interactions among states has seen Europe and the United States emerge as dominant players in Middle East regional politics.This assertion is based on the overstretched ge...In the past,the nature of global geopolitical interactions among states has seen Europe and the United States emerge as dominant players in Middle East regional politics.This assertion is based on the overstretched geostrategic interests of Europe and the United States(US)tied up with controlling strategic goods,such as crude oil and gas,as well as maintaining freedom of navigation.These three variables-oil,gas and water routes-were the most critical components that attracted global powers to engage with the Middle East.Recent developments,however,suggest that two rising Asian powers,China and India,are becoming increasingly involved in Middle East regional affairs.Both countries have recognised the critical role of the region in their future economic growth and development and have embedded the region into their national strategic plan.However,the region faces issues-such as terrorism,internal strife,particularly in Syria,maritime security,hunger and poverty,especially in Yemen,the recent US-Iran conflict and the COVID-19 global pandemic-that may influence the operationalisation and outcome of the future strategic plan of China and India.These current challenges thus require the Asian powers to reassess each other’s strategy.This paper analyses how China and India adapt their strategic interests in accordance to the compounding realities in the Middle East.In particular,it seeks to answer two relevant questions:To what extent can China and India engage the region in the coming years?Given their national interests and priorities vis-a-vis the Middle East,can we expect more cooperation than competition between these two Asian powers?Central to this is a thesis that cooperation among these two powers is more promising and effective,at least in those mentioned issues,despite their divergent national interests and historical rivalries.展开更多
The Saudi-Iranian enmity is a central element in the Middle East’s post-2011 violence.These two countries are at‘Cold War,’backing proxy allies,which fuels many of the region’s conflicts.Hence,any attempt at regio...The Saudi-Iranian enmity is a central element in the Middle East’s post-2011 violence.These two countries are at‘Cold War,’backing proxy allies,which fuels many of the region’s conflicts.Hence,any attempt at regional pacification will require mediation between Saudi Arabia and Iran by powerful neutral stakeholders.To that end,this paper suggests an initiative by the Persian Gulf’s most important economic partners,China and India,an idea benefiting from their leverage-enhancing hydrocarbon market importance as well as their‘non-aligned status’in the conflict.Using the historical analogy of the 20th century Cold War between East and West as a loose framework,the paper identifies possible diplomatic and institutional mechanisms to achieve a Gulf detente and peace.It argues that these may be found in the historic Helsinki Accords and that a similar approach to the Saudi-Iranian Cold War should be attempted to prevent further regional and global conflict.展开更多
文摘The rise of ASEAN, China and India as economic powers is of great significance to regional as well as global economic development. Although their ascendance in the global economy will continue, they will have to go to great pains to meet the new challenges. Considering ASEAN, China and India as a group, due to their differences in economic development levels, economic structures and policy concern priorities, it is difficult for them to formulate a unifiedposition on a range of global issues. ASEAN, China and India must foster an open, transparent and efficient regional as well as global environment. They need to cooperate in designing the architecture to ensure regional as well as global freer trade and investmen, and more stable finance, and to play more active roles in future global governance and rulemaking.
文摘Climate mitigation has become a global issue and most countries have promised their greenhouse gas reduction target. However, after Trump took office as president of the United States （US）, the US withdrew from the Paris Agreement. As the biggest economy, this would have impacts on the emission space of other countries. This paper, by using the integrated model of energy, environ- ment and economy/computable general equilibrium （IMED/CGE） model, assesses the impacts of the US withdrawal from Paris Agreement on China, India in terms of carbon emission space and mitigation cost under Nationally Determined Contributions （NDCs） and 2~C scenarios due to changed emission pathway of the US. The results show that, under the condition of constant global cumulative carbon emissions and fixed burden sharing scheme among the countries, the failure of the US to honor its NDC commitment will increase its carbon emission space and decrease its mitigation cost. However, the carbon emission space of other regions, including China and India, will be reduced and their mitigation costs will be raised. In 2030, under the 2℃ target, the carbon price will increase by US$14.3 to US$45.3/t in China and by US S10.7 to US$33.9/t in India. In addition, China and India will incur additional GDP loss. Under the 2℃ target, the GDP loss of China would increase by US$23.3 to US$72.6 billion （equivalent to US$17.4 to US$54.2/capita）, and that of India would rise by US$14.2 to US$43.1 billion （equivalent to US$9.3 to US$28.2/capita）.
文摘China and India seek to exert a positive influence on-the world Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao dis- played his signature smile as he and his visiting Indian counter- part Manmohan Singh signed a document to upgrade China-India relations in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on January 14.Wen had good rea- son to be confident.Having just concluded a fruitful meeting in which the two leaders reached a consensus on a wide range of top- ics,they were now reaffirming in a written document the two countries’commitment to intensifying bilateral cooperation from a global perspective.
文摘China and India, the most populous countries in the world, are now in the media spotlight because of their enviable economic development. To some extent, however, the role and future position of the two Asian giants have been misread, and their influence exaggerated.
文摘In the past,the nature of global geopolitical interactions among states has seen Europe and the United States emerge as dominant players in Middle East regional politics.This assertion is based on the overstretched geostrategic interests of Europe and the United States(US)tied up with controlling strategic goods,such as crude oil and gas,as well as maintaining freedom of navigation.These three variables-oil,gas and water routes-were the most critical components that attracted global powers to engage with the Middle East.Recent developments,however,suggest that two rising Asian powers,China and India,are becoming increasingly involved in Middle East regional affairs.Both countries have recognised the critical role of the region in their future economic growth and development and have embedded the region into their national strategic plan.However,the region faces issues-such as terrorism,internal strife,particularly in Syria,maritime security,hunger and poverty,especially in Yemen,the recent US-Iran conflict and the COVID-19 global pandemic-that may influence the operationalisation and outcome of the future strategic plan of China and India.These current challenges thus require the Asian powers to reassess each other’s strategy.This paper analyses how China and India adapt their strategic interests in accordance to the compounding realities in the Middle East.In particular,it seeks to answer two relevant questions:To what extent can China and India engage the region in the coming years?Given their national interests and priorities vis-a-vis the Middle East,can we expect more cooperation than competition between these two Asian powers?Central to this is a thesis that cooperation among these two powers is more promising and effective,at least in those mentioned issues,despite their divergent national interests and historical rivalries.
文摘The Saudi-Iranian enmity is a central element in the Middle East’s post-2011 violence.These two countries are at‘Cold War,’backing proxy allies,which fuels many of the region’s conflicts.Hence,any attempt at regional pacification will require mediation between Saudi Arabia and Iran by powerful neutral stakeholders.To that end,this paper suggests an initiative by the Persian Gulf’s most important economic partners,China and India,an idea benefiting from their leverage-enhancing hydrocarbon market importance as well as their‘non-aligned status’in the conflict.Using the historical analogy of the 20th century Cold War between East and West as a loose framework,the paper identifies possible diplomatic and institutional mechanisms to achieve a Gulf detente and peace.It argues that these may be found in the historic Helsinki Accords and that a similar approach to the Saudi-Iranian Cold War should be attempted to prevent further regional and global conflict.
