Song-dynasty Chan depended for its place in society and its financial resources on lay patrons. Educated gentleman-officials （shidafu） were the wealthiest and most powerful of men. From the time of Dahui Zonggao in ...Song-dynasty Chan depended for its place in society and its financial resources on lay patrons. Educated gentleman-officials （shidafu） were the wealthiest and most powerful of men. From the time of Dahui Zonggao in the Southern Song, Linji teachers shifted from elaborate comments on gongan in periodic sermons to a new method ofgongan inspection termed ＂critical phrase＂ （kan huatou）. Scholars have argued that Dahui＇s invention of huatou practice was primarily related to internal Chan rivalries for elite patrons. I argue that Dahui＇s motive was also connected to a rivalry with Pure Land Buddhism over the making of appeals to lay followers among scholar-officials. Dahui was aware and tried to communicate the usefulness of huatou in addressing the elite laity＇s doubts about birth and death, and in particular their anxieties about facing the decisive moment of death. Therefore, he developed a gongan discourse that is related to anticipation of dying by harnessing the power of doubt to create an experience of spiritual awakening.展开更多
Chart Buddhism＇s ambivalent relationship with language and literature is perhaps most starkly seen in its practice of gongan meditation. This practice was first instituted by the famous Linji master Dahui and involve...Chart Buddhism＇s ambivalent relationship with language and literature is perhaps most starkly seen in its practice of gongan meditation. This practice was first instituted by the famous Linji master Dahui and involves an intense meditational focus on the ＂punch line＂ （huatou） of what is typically a story about an ancient Chan master or an enigmatic question like ＂why did [the legendary founder of Chan] Bodhidharrna come from the West？＂ In the Ming dynasty, a new gongan became widely used in Chart meditation： the phrase ＂who is reciting the name of the Buddha？＂ This was a reference to the widespread practice of chanting homage to the Buddha Amitgbha in hope of getting reborn into his paradise. In using this new gongan, Chan seemingly embraced oral practice in an unprecedented move and appeared to combine the other-power of Amitgbha worship with the self-power of Chan meditation. Scholars have struggled to understand this development, and several have dismissed it as an example of the degeneration of Chan and its later pandering to lay people. I argue that the development of this gongan can best be seen as an attempt to reframe the practice of Buddha-recitation in a Chan meditative framework; and further explore the rationale for the practice as given by the influential Buddhist thinker Yunqi Zhuhong, who was a staunch advocate of Buddha-recitation.展开更多
This essay argues that the distinctive literary voice of Yuanwu Keqin in Biyanlu is generally overlooked or blurred with the source materials. It seeks to understand Yuanwu＇s view of Chan rhetoric seen in relation to...This essay argues that the distinctive literary voice of Yuanwu Keqin in Biyanlu is generally overlooked or blurred with the source materials. It seeks to understand Yuanwu＇s view of Chan rhetoric seen in relation to Xuedou＇s original verse comments. In one of Yuanwu＇s prose remarks, he stakes out his view of the role of language in gongan discourse by valorizing the verse comments of Xuedou. But other passages stress that there is a difference between verse and prose commentary, or view both styles as positive. By engaging the views of other recent scholars, this essay demonstrates that it is crucial to see that from the start of his collection Yuanwu emphasizes the innate limitations of discourse, while at the same time shows how an appropriate use of rhetoric can be useful and necessary as a heuristic tool to guide disciples.展开更多
文摘Song-dynasty Chan depended for its place in society and its financial resources on lay patrons. Educated gentleman-officials （shidafu） were the wealthiest and most powerful of men. From the time of Dahui Zonggao in the Southern Song, Linji teachers shifted from elaborate comments on gongan in periodic sermons to a new method ofgongan inspection termed ＂critical phrase＂ （kan huatou）. Scholars have argued that Dahui＇s invention of huatou practice was primarily related to internal Chan rivalries for elite patrons. I argue that Dahui＇s motive was also connected to a rivalry with Pure Land Buddhism over the making of appeals to lay followers among scholar-officials. Dahui was aware and tried to communicate the usefulness of huatou in addressing the elite laity＇s doubts about birth and death, and in particular their anxieties about facing the decisive moment of death. Therefore, he developed a gongan discourse that is related to anticipation of dying by harnessing the power of doubt to create an experience of spiritual awakening.
文摘Chart Buddhism＇s ambivalent relationship with language and literature is perhaps most starkly seen in its practice of gongan meditation. This practice was first instituted by the famous Linji master Dahui and involves an intense meditational focus on the ＂punch line＂ （huatou） of what is typically a story about an ancient Chan master or an enigmatic question like ＂why did [the legendary founder of Chan] Bodhidharrna come from the West？＂ In the Ming dynasty, a new gongan became widely used in Chart meditation： the phrase ＂who is reciting the name of the Buddha？＂ This was a reference to the widespread practice of chanting homage to the Buddha Amitgbha in hope of getting reborn into his paradise. In using this new gongan, Chan seemingly embraced oral practice in an unprecedented move and appeared to combine the other-power of Amitgbha worship with the self-power of Chan meditation. Scholars have struggled to understand this development, and several have dismissed it as an example of the degeneration of Chan and its later pandering to lay people. I argue that the development of this gongan can best be seen as an attempt to reframe the practice of Buddha-recitation in a Chan meditative framework; and further explore the rationale for the practice as given by the influential Buddhist thinker Yunqi Zhuhong, who was a staunch advocate of Buddha-recitation.
文摘This essay argues that the distinctive literary voice of Yuanwu Keqin in Biyanlu is generally overlooked or blurred with the source materials. It seeks to understand Yuanwu＇s view of Chan rhetoric seen in relation to Xuedou＇s original verse comments. In one of Yuanwu＇s prose remarks, he stakes out his view of the role of language in gongan discourse by valorizing the verse comments of Xuedou. But other passages stress that there is a difference between verse and prose commentary, or view both styles as positive. By engaging the views of other recent scholars, this essay demonstrates that it is crucial to see that from the start of his collection Yuanwu emphasizes the innate limitations of discourse, while at the same time shows how an appropriate use of rhetoric can be useful and necessary as a heuristic tool to guide disciples.
