After analyzing the basic information,distribution of energy resources and condition of power industry in Central Asia,the high feasibility for China to cooperate closely with Central Asia in transnational power inter...After analyzing the basic information,distribution of energy resources and condition of power industry in Central Asia,the high feasibility for China to cooperate closely with Central Asia in transnational power interconnection,power investment and technology exchanges,etc.is studied.Furthermore,the forms,mechanisms,existing problems and suggestions for the improvement of current policies related to the power cooperation are proposed.展开更多
The US presence in East Asia is not simply a result of the victory over Japan in WW2,but a legacy of the US takeover of the Spanish overseas empire in 1898.Today,the threat of war between China and the US has little t...The US presence in East Asia is not simply a result of the victory over Japan in WW2,but a legacy of the US takeover of the Spanish overseas empire in 1898.Today,the threat of war between China and the US has little to do with Allison's Thucydides trap,which is based on a misreading of Thucydides'work:It originates from what in China is seen as a US imperial presence that mirrors Western inter-ference in Chinese affairs during the so-called“century of humiliation.”China is an authoritarian state with regional hegemonic ambitions,yet the West has been endorsing other authoritarian states,even absolute monarchies,that fit its geopoliti-cal interests.Notwithstanding the purported US support of“freedom”and“democ-racy,”the US in East Asia has been carrying out a foreign policy that,as an exten-sion of misinterpretations of the Monroe Doctrine,is a legacy of empire.This legacy is too often overlooked,while overseas interests are justified on the basis of secu-rity concerns.Thucydides is relevant,but to compare the American and Athenian empires and their demise,not to drag China into US geopolitical discourse,when focus should have long been on Russia.Anti-colonial theory shows how interstate relations,in particular in the East Asian context,are not defined by Thucydides trap,but Thrasymachus paradox.展开更多
For a long time,the concept“Nei Wai(内外―center-periphery)”has been used to construct the narrative of the backwarded pre-modern East Asian history.While over emphasizing the effect of the center(Nei),it just simpl...For a long time,the concept“Nei Wai(内外―center-periphery)”has been used to construct the narrative of the backwarded pre-modern East Asian history.While over emphasizing the effect of the center(Nei),it just simply ignored the reactions from the marginal entities(Wai),as ancient China and its neighboring countries’tributary relations could offer us the classic paradigm.In the knowledge world and historical writing records before the establishment of the national states,the period after Vietnam politically independent to China,the most intricate relations between the two countries,or dynasties,we could still find so many similarities of politics and culture in China and Vietnam,which is far beyond the summarized conditions as tributary relations.On the basis of the previous academic construction of Zong Fan relations and applying the research path of decentralization in the view of global history,we can explore and interpret such tributary and diplomatic relations from various perspectives and thus a multi-dimensional,high definition and colorful past of communications between countries is projected to us by the voiceless,motionless,and monotone historical materials.展开更多
A concert of powers has become a new institutional arrangement for building a new-type major powers relationship in East Asia.In view of standardization,the consistency,legitimacy,accountability,inclusiveness,and self...A concert of powers has become a new institutional arrangement for building a new-type major powers relationship in East Asia.In view of standardization,the consistency,legitimacy,accountability,inclusiveness,and self-restraint,etc.enjoyed by a concert of powers are very suitable for the East Asian multilateral security mechanism featuring"cooperative security"concept,"ASEAN Way"of decision-making as well as"open regionalism"approach.In view of the practical conditions,major powers peculiarities and effectively solving hot issues highlighted by the East Asia geopolitical ecology require a concert of powers while a relative equilibrium of the East Asian regional major powers is in favor of a concert of powers.In terms of experience,the peaceful settlement of the Cambodian issue and the Six-party Talks on the DPRK nuclear issue provide a feasible path to initiate a concert of powers in sub-regions regarding the traditional security matter related indirectly with major powers.A new concert of powers in East Asia has three options,namely"soft security"-oriented multilateral coordination,"comprehensive security"-oriented"bilateral coordination"and"multilateral coordination".East Asia Summit and the existing major powers’bilateral strategic dialogue mechanisms are available institutional assets to be used by above-mentioned first two paths.The ideal state of third path is an independent security mechanism,designed to respond to major regional conflicts and crises.In practice,these three kinds of path can overlap,and be in parallel operation,and constitute"a concert of powers network"with bilateral and multilateral interactions,thus,providing a solid and effective mechanism for the East Asian regional security governance.展开更多
文摘After analyzing the basic information,distribution of energy resources and condition of power industry in Central Asia,the high feasibility for China to cooperate closely with Central Asia in transnational power interconnection,power investment and technology exchanges,etc.is studied.Furthermore,the forms,mechanisms,existing problems and suggestions for the improvement of current policies related to the power cooperation are proposed.
文摘The US presence in East Asia is not simply a result of the victory over Japan in WW2,but a legacy of the US takeover of the Spanish overseas empire in 1898.Today,the threat of war between China and the US has little to do with Allison's Thucydides trap,which is based on a misreading of Thucydides'work:It originates from what in China is seen as a US imperial presence that mirrors Western inter-ference in Chinese affairs during the so-called“century of humiliation.”China is an authoritarian state with regional hegemonic ambitions,yet the West has been endorsing other authoritarian states,even absolute monarchies,that fit its geopoliti-cal interests.Notwithstanding the purported US support of“freedom”and“democ-racy,”the US in East Asia has been carrying out a foreign policy that,as an exten-sion of misinterpretations of the Monroe Doctrine,is a legacy of empire.This legacy is too often overlooked,while overseas interests are justified on the basis of secu-rity concerns.Thucydides is relevant,but to compare the American and Athenian empires and their demise,not to drag China into US geopolitical discourse,when focus should have long been on Russia.Anti-colonial theory shows how interstate relations,in particular in the East Asian context,are not defined by Thucydides trap,but Thrasymachus paradox.
文摘For a long time,the concept“Nei Wai(内外―center-periphery)”has been used to construct the narrative of the backwarded pre-modern East Asian history.While over emphasizing the effect of the center(Nei),it just simply ignored the reactions from the marginal entities(Wai),as ancient China and its neighboring countries’tributary relations could offer us the classic paradigm.In the knowledge world and historical writing records before the establishment of the national states,the period after Vietnam politically independent to China,the most intricate relations between the two countries,or dynasties,we could still find so many similarities of politics and culture in China and Vietnam,which is far beyond the summarized conditions as tributary relations.On the basis of the previous academic construction of Zong Fan relations and applying the research path of decentralization in the view of global history,we can explore and interpret such tributary and diplomatic relations from various perspectives and thus a multi-dimensional,high definition and colorful past of communications between countries is projected to us by the voiceless,motionless,and monotone historical materials.
文摘A concert of powers has become a new institutional arrangement for building a new-type major powers relationship in East Asia.In view of standardization,the consistency,legitimacy,accountability,inclusiveness,and self-restraint,etc.enjoyed by a concert of powers are very suitable for the East Asian multilateral security mechanism featuring"cooperative security"concept,"ASEAN Way"of decision-making as well as"open regionalism"approach.In view of the practical conditions,major powers peculiarities and effectively solving hot issues highlighted by the East Asia geopolitical ecology require a concert of powers while a relative equilibrium of the East Asian regional major powers is in favor of a concert of powers.In terms of experience,the peaceful settlement of the Cambodian issue and the Six-party Talks on the DPRK nuclear issue provide a feasible path to initiate a concert of powers in sub-regions regarding the traditional security matter related indirectly with major powers.A new concert of powers in East Asia has three options,namely"soft security"-oriented multilateral coordination,"comprehensive security"-oriented"bilateral coordination"and"multilateral coordination".East Asia Summit and the existing major powers’bilateral strategic dialogue mechanisms are available institutional assets to be used by above-mentioned first two paths.The ideal state of third path is an independent security mechanism,designed to respond to major regional conflicts and crises.In practice,these three kinds of path can overlap,and be in parallel operation,and constitute"a concert of powers network"with bilateral and multilateral interactions,thus,providing a solid and effective mechanism for the East Asian regional security governance.
