Russia is the largest neighboring country of China. Between the two countries, the resources and industry are complemented, the political mutual trust is at a high level, and trade cooperation has a broad prospect. Ch...Russia is the largest neighboring country of China. Between the two countries, the resources and industry are complemented, the political mutual trust is at a high level, and trade cooperation has a broad prospect. Choosing the best regions and the best industries to strengthen investment in Russia has a major strategic significance in promoting ‘the Belt and Road Initiative’ and China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor Construction. However, the related researches are extremely limited. The investment environment is unclear, and the investment risk is unknown, which seriously restrict the investment in Russia and the trade cooperation with Russia. Our research team carried out scientific expedition, government visits and scientific research cooperation in Russia for several years, and obtained a great number of first-hand valuable data. According to the analysis on the data and Russian regional policies, this study constructed an investment environment evaluation model(ESI-PRA model), scientific assessed the investment environment for 83 subjects of federation in Russia, in terms of economic, social, infrastructure, policy, resource and accessibility, classified 4 types of investment regions, chose 3 investment priority regions, revealed the investment priority industries, demonstrated the main investment risks, and proposed the strategic policies. The research results provide direct scientific and technological support for strategic decisions, such as investment in Russia, bilateral economic and trade cooperation, and overseas layout of Chinese-funded enterprises. Moreover, it has an important practical and strategic significance for improving overseas geo-strategic interests of China and ensuring the construction of China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor.展开更多
Since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis on February 24,2022,the Western world led by the US has imposed rounds of extensive and intensive sanctions against Russia,among which energy sanctions are a powerful policy in...Since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis on February 24,2022,the Western world led by the US has imposed rounds of extensive and intensive sanctions against Russia,among which energy sanctions are a powerful policy instrument.展开更多
The past two years have witnessed great fluctuations ininternational oil prices,and diplomatic efforts,both above andunder the table,by major powers around this issue.The currenttension in the war-threatened Iraq has ...The past two years have witnessed great fluctuations ininternational oil prices,and diplomatic efforts,both above andunder the table,by major powers around this issue.The currenttension in the war-threatened Iraq has added more uncertainties to thefuture world oil situation.Will the world oil supply and demand change?What impact would this exert on big powers’ oil strategy choices,geopolitics as well as world economy?What should China do in such asituation?To find the answers to these questions,at the invitation of theeditor of the Contemporary International Relations,seven experts fromChina Institute of Contemporary International Relations gathered to have adiscussion in early February this year.Naturally,they have differentviews over many issues.Still,we hope our readers would find theirdiscussion interesting.Following is the list of participants.展开更多
The status of the Third World in Russian foreign policy plummeted in the immediate post-Soviet years, during which Moscow pursued a "Look West" policy. When the design of the West to contain and weaken the c...The status of the Third World in Russian foreign policy plummeted in the immediate post-Soviet years, during which Moscow pursued a "Look West" policy. When the design of the West to contain and weaken the country came to light however, vigilance heightened in Moscow and timely foreign policy readjustments were under way by raising the weight of the Third World.展开更多
Arctic education refers not only to the teaching,but also to research,communication,dissemination as well as popularization of knowledge related to the Arctic.This article reviews joint efforts between Chinese and Ame...Arctic education refers not only to the teaching,but also to research,communication,dissemination as well as popularization of knowledge related to the Arctic.This article reviews joint efforts between Chinese and American educators and researchers to promote cooperation and understanding in Arctic education and research,and examines the facing challenges of China-U.S.Arctic education cooperation which include current political or economic tensions between the two countries,the differing perspectives and priorities on Arctic policy,the disproportion in Arctic scientific research,different research methodologies and discourse system in social science.This article also argues that there are opportunities for the two countries to cooperate in Arctic education.Common goals and interests in the Arctic,Arctic-dedicated institutions with significant Arctic research capabilities and partnerships around the world provide foundations for Arctic education cooperation.The implementation of a new science-based Arctic treaty of the Arctic Council is an opportunity for China-U.S.Arctic education cooperation.As for future cooperation,it suggests that in addition to promoting the direct bilateral cooperation,cooperation within international cooperation platforms and mechanisms,especially within the Arctic Council also needs to be further promoted.展开更多
Since the disintegration of the former Soviet Union, the United States and Rus-sia have gone through a tortuous road in forging their post-Cold War relation-ship. At present, they are neither bipolar rivals, nor strat...Since the disintegration of the former Soviet Union, the United States and Rus-sia have gone through a tortuous road in forging their post-Cold War relation-ship. At present, they are neither bipolar rivals, nor strategic partners as initiatedin early 1990s. They have instead turned from maintaining amicability into copingwith the reality. Their discrepancies in terms of strategies and bilateral relationshave emerged one after another in recent years and became intensified especially af-ter Operation Desert Fox against Iraq by the United States and Britain展开更多
Germany has recently taken multiple actions to adjust its security policy: for instance, promoting re-militarization, increasing foreign military intervention and overseas operations, and adopting measures to comprehe...Germany has recently taken multiple actions to adjust its security policy: for instance, promoting re-militarization, increasing foreign military intervention and overseas operations, and adopting measures to comprehensively safeguard security in the domains of energy, supply chain, and ideology. Externally, such moves result directly from the threat of a hot war emanating from the Russia–Ukraine crisis. Germany is severely deficient in hard power and the rules and order on which it previously relied are proving increasingly ineffective. The nation is also witnessing a sharply rising sense of insecurity as its inter-system competition with nonWestern countries intensifies. Internally, the present policy shift represents a continuation of German foreign policy transformations initiated during the Merkel era. This change is strongly driven by the new ruling coalition, especially the Green Party, and is staunchly supported by the public. In the future, Germany will probably further normalize its military, intensify its confrontations with non-Western countries, and diversify its means of comprehensively safeguarding security. However, security-related policy transformation processes will be time-consuming and Germany’s investments will not immediately pay off. Traditionally, Germany tends toward the pragmatic and balanced implementation of policies. Thus, it is less likely to pursue military hegemony than to increasingly assume security responsibilities within the Western alliance.展开更多
Since President Donald Trump took office,the United States’policy toward Russia has experienced upswings and downturns,oscillating between opposite sides and demonstrating starker contradictions.An in-depth study of ...Since President Donald Trump took office,the United States’policy toward Russia has experienced upswings and downturns,oscillating between opposite sides and demonstrating starker contradictions.An in-depth study of the Trump administration’s Russia policy will assist in deepening our knowledge and understanding of the nature of USRussia relations,so that we can better grasp the development trend of the relationship and provide a useful reference for China to more proactively handle its own relations with other major powers.展开更多
Background: Omicron JN.1 has become the dominant SARS-CoV-2 variant in recent months. JN.1 has the highest number of amino acid mutations in its receptor binding domain (RBD) and has acquired a hallmark L455S mutation...Background: Omicron JN.1 has become the dominant SARS-CoV-2 variant in recent months. JN.1 has the highest number of amino acid mutations in its receptor binding domain (RBD) and has acquired a hallmark L455S mutation. The immune evasion capability of JN.1 is a subject of scientific investigation. The US CDC used SGTF of TaqPath COVID-19 Combo Kit RT-qPCR as proxy indicator of JN.1 infections for evaluation of the effectiveness of updated monovalent XBB.1.5 COVID-19 vaccines against JN.1 and recommended that all persons aged ≥ 6 months should receive an updated COVID-19 vaccine dose. Objective: Recommend Sanger sequencing instead of proxy indicator to diagnose JN.1 infections to generate the data based on which guidelines are made to direct vaccination policies. Methods: The RNA in nasopharyngeal swab specimens from patients with clinical respiratory infection was subjected to nested RT-PCR, targeting a 398-base segment of the N-gene and a 445-base segment of the RBD of SARS-CoV-2 for amplification. The nested PCR amplicons were sequenced. The DNA sequences were analyzed for amino acid mutations. Results: The N-gene sequence showed R203K, G204R and Q229K, the 3 mutations associated with Omicron BA.2.86 (+JN.1). The RBD sequence showed 24 of the 26 known amino acid mutations, including the hallmark L455S mutation for JN.1 and the V483del for BA.2.86 lineage. Conclusions: Sanger sequencing of a 445-base segment of the SARS-CoV-2 RBD is useful for accurate determination of emerging variants. The CDC may consider using Sanger sequencing of the RBD to diagnose JN.1 infections for statistical analysis in making vaccination policies.展开更多
基金Under the auspices of Science&Technology Basic Resources Investigation Program of China(No.2017FY101304)National Natural Science Foundation of China(No.41701639)Russian Foundation for Basic Research(No.19-55-53026)
文摘Russia is the largest neighboring country of China. Between the two countries, the resources and industry are complemented, the political mutual trust is at a high level, and trade cooperation has a broad prospect. Choosing the best regions and the best industries to strengthen investment in Russia has a major strategic significance in promoting ‘the Belt and Road Initiative’ and China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor Construction. However, the related researches are extremely limited. The investment environment is unclear, and the investment risk is unknown, which seriously restrict the investment in Russia and the trade cooperation with Russia. Our research team carried out scientific expedition, government visits and scientific research cooperation in Russia for several years, and obtained a great number of first-hand valuable data. According to the analysis on the data and Russian regional policies, this study constructed an investment environment evaluation model(ESI-PRA model), scientific assessed the investment environment for 83 subjects of federation in Russia, in terms of economic, social, infrastructure, policy, resource and accessibility, classified 4 types of investment regions, chose 3 investment priority regions, revealed the investment priority industries, demonstrated the main investment risks, and proposed the strategic policies. The research results provide direct scientific and technological support for strategic decisions, such as investment in Russia, bilateral economic and trade cooperation, and overseas layout of Chinese-funded enterprises. Moreover, it has an important practical and strategic significance for improving overseas geo-strategic interests of China and ensuring the construction of China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor.
文摘Since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis on February 24,2022,the Western world led by the US has imposed rounds of extensive and intensive sanctions against Russia,among which energy sanctions are a powerful policy instrument.
文摘The past two years have witnessed great fluctuations ininternational oil prices,and diplomatic efforts,both above andunder the table,by major powers around this issue.The currenttension in the war-threatened Iraq has added more uncertainties to thefuture world oil situation.Will the world oil supply and demand change?What impact would this exert on big powers’ oil strategy choices,geopolitics as well as world economy?What should China do in such asituation?To find the answers to these questions,at the invitation of theeditor of the Contemporary International Relations,seven experts fromChina Institute of Contemporary International Relations gathered to have adiscussion in early February this year.Naturally,they have differentviews over many issues.Still,we hope our readers would find theirdiscussion interesting.Following is the list of participants.
文摘The status of the Third World in Russian foreign policy plummeted in the immediate post-Soviet years, during which Moscow pursued a "Look West" policy. When the design of the West to contain and weaken the country came to light however, vigilance heightened in Moscow and timely foreign policy readjustments were under way by raising the weight of the Third World.
基金supported by the 2021 Youth Research Fund Project“Research on Legal Issues of Protection of China’s Rights and Interests in the Antarctic under the Background of Momentous Changes of a Like Not Seen in a Century”of Shanghai University of Political Science and Law(Grant no.2021XQN27)the 2020 Research Fund Project“Indian Polar Policy Research”of China National Institute for SCO International Exchange and Judicial Cooperation(Grant no.20SHJD027)the China Association of Marine Affairs(CAMA)Project“Key Issues in the Exploitation and Utilization of Polar Biological Resources under the New Situation”(Grant no.CODF-AOC202301).
文摘Arctic education refers not only to the teaching,but also to research,communication,dissemination as well as popularization of knowledge related to the Arctic.This article reviews joint efforts between Chinese and American educators and researchers to promote cooperation and understanding in Arctic education and research,and examines the facing challenges of China-U.S.Arctic education cooperation which include current political or economic tensions between the two countries,the differing perspectives and priorities on Arctic policy,the disproportion in Arctic scientific research,different research methodologies and discourse system in social science.This article also argues that there are opportunities for the two countries to cooperate in Arctic education.Common goals and interests in the Arctic,Arctic-dedicated institutions with significant Arctic research capabilities and partnerships around the world provide foundations for Arctic education cooperation.The implementation of a new science-based Arctic treaty of the Arctic Council is an opportunity for China-U.S.Arctic education cooperation.As for future cooperation,it suggests that in addition to promoting the direct bilateral cooperation,cooperation within international cooperation platforms and mechanisms,especially within the Arctic Council also needs to be further promoted.
文摘Since the disintegration of the former Soviet Union, the United States and Rus-sia have gone through a tortuous road in forging their post-Cold War relation-ship. At present, they are neither bipolar rivals, nor strategic partners as initiatedin early 1990s. They have instead turned from maintaining amicability into copingwith the reality. Their discrepancies in terms of strategies and bilateral relationshave emerged one after another in recent years and became intensified especially af-ter Operation Desert Fox against Iraq by the United States and Britain
文摘Germany has recently taken multiple actions to adjust its security policy: for instance, promoting re-militarization, increasing foreign military intervention and overseas operations, and adopting measures to comprehensively safeguard security in the domains of energy, supply chain, and ideology. Externally, such moves result directly from the threat of a hot war emanating from the Russia–Ukraine crisis. Germany is severely deficient in hard power and the rules and order on which it previously relied are proving increasingly ineffective. The nation is also witnessing a sharply rising sense of insecurity as its inter-system competition with nonWestern countries intensifies. Internally, the present policy shift represents a continuation of German foreign policy transformations initiated during the Merkel era. This change is strongly driven by the new ruling coalition, especially the Green Party, and is staunchly supported by the public. In the future, Germany will probably further normalize its military, intensify its confrontations with non-Western countries, and diversify its means of comprehensively safeguarding security. However, security-related policy transformation processes will be time-consuming and Germany’s investments will not immediately pay off. Traditionally, Germany tends toward the pragmatic and balanced implementation of policies. Thus, it is less likely to pursue military hegemony than to increasingly assume security responsibilities within the Western alliance.
文摘Since President Donald Trump took office,the United States’policy toward Russia has experienced upswings and downturns,oscillating between opposite sides and demonstrating starker contradictions.An in-depth study of the Trump administration’s Russia policy will assist in deepening our knowledge and understanding of the nature of USRussia relations,so that we can better grasp the development trend of the relationship and provide a useful reference for China to more proactively handle its own relations with other major powers.
文摘Background: Omicron JN.1 has become the dominant SARS-CoV-2 variant in recent months. JN.1 has the highest number of amino acid mutations in its receptor binding domain (RBD) and has acquired a hallmark L455S mutation. The immune evasion capability of JN.1 is a subject of scientific investigation. The US CDC used SGTF of TaqPath COVID-19 Combo Kit RT-qPCR as proxy indicator of JN.1 infections for evaluation of the effectiveness of updated monovalent XBB.1.5 COVID-19 vaccines against JN.1 and recommended that all persons aged ≥ 6 months should receive an updated COVID-19 vaccine dose. Objective: Recommend Sanger sequencing instead of proxy indicator to diagnose JN.1 infections to generate the data based on which guidelines are made to direct vaccination policies. Methods: The RNA in nasopharyngeal swab specimens from patients with clinical respiratory infection was subjected to nested RT-PCR, targeting a 398-base segment of the N-gene and a 445-base segment of the RBD of SARS-CoV-2 for amplification. The nested PCR amplicons were sequenced. The DNA sequences were analyzed for amino acid mutations. Results: The N-gene sequence showed R203K, G204R and Q229K, the 3 mutations associated with Omicron BA.2.86 (+JN.1). The RBD sequence showed 24 of the 26 known amino acid mutations, including the hallmark L455S mutation for JN.1 and the V483del for BA.2.86 lineage. Conclusions: Sanger sequencing of a 445-base segment of the SARS-CoV-2 RBD is useful for accurate determination of emerging variants. The CDC may consider using Sanger sequencing of the RBD to diagnose JN.1 infections for statistical analysis in making vaccination policies.