Informal networks, practices and institutions may be observed in many different social contexts, particularly in politics. In certain political regimes, certain forms of informality are to be expected and are also tol...Informal networks, practices and institutions may be observed in many different social contexts, particularly in politics. In certain political regimes, certain forms of informality are to be expected and are also tolerated more than in others. Political informality in Eastern Europe may be presented on an axis with two poles, with many variants or combinations of informality and formality between them. These positions also allow the identification of specific regime types and legal systems. This chapter seeks to contextualize the distinction between the formal and the informal and to relate it to types of political regime, the principal focus resting on informal politics. Specific political contexts may produce practices of informality that have become so generalised that they can be described as cultures of informality. The interesting question is： to what extent are specific forms of informal structures more resilient in particular regime types than in others？ Particularly looking at some of the more-or-less autocratic Euroasiatic states, one can easily recognize that the very purpose of informal politics and institutions is to restrict or eliminate political competition. Forms and meanings of what is informal and formal change the further one moves eastwards. Formal rules are and may be used together with informal institutions to control society. All this points to specific cultures of informality that can be observed, as well as different cultures of trust and distrust. On the other hand, such cultures of informality have to be considered in the context of specific political systems, together with their regimes （the concrete configurations of political power） and their organisations. This paper looks particularly at hybrid non-democracies and suggests one might consider them, in the perspective ofNiklas Luhmann＇s system theory, as parasites of functional differentiation.展开更多
In this research work, the author focuses on the analysis of the trade interests in foreign policy of the Global South. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the new m...In this research work, the author focuses on the analysis of the trade interests in foreign policy of the Global South. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the new models of the foreign trade policy and trade interests of Global South. First of all, it must underline that in the new theoretical terms in the demand for trade policy very important is factor specificity. The low specificity of factors means that factor returns are equalized throughout a region＇s economy. Moreover, some factors are stuck in their present uses; therefore, factor returns are not equalized throughout a region＇s economy, but are industry specific. The main objective of the research task is to give a comprehensive analysis of the models of foreign trade policy, trade interests indicated by export orientation and import sensitivity, protectionistic pressures in different political system and different types of authoritarian regimes of Global South, the level of protectionistic pressures, the rise of qualitatively new politics in North-South relations like bilateral tendencies. It should be stressed that free trade in itself is not responsible for economic growth, but more significant are the determining macroeconomic stability and increasing investment of Global South.展开更多
This abstract has concerned primarily with the new look to the stages of post-Soviet Kazakh nationalism development embedded in context of Eurasian concept. Could we prove true widely held predictions about future str...This abstract has concerned primarily with the new look to the stages of post-Soviet Kazakh nationalism development embedded in context of Eurasian concept. Could we prove true widely held predictions about future strengthening of nationalists＇ position in post-crisis country？ As we state, opposite to above mentioned ideas, the more Kazakhstan would be involved in to Russian politics orbit which means further movement to Eurasian ＂path＂ the more undermined should be Kazakh nationalists conventional certainties. Moreover, one of the world crisis consequences could be displayed in leadership authoritarian tendencies strengthening. The latter undoubtedly ought to erode Kazakh nationalists＇ position.展开更多
文摘Informal networks, practices and institutions may be observed in many different social contexts, particularly in politics. In certain political regimes, certain forms of informality are to be expected and are also tolerated more than in others. Political informality in Eastern Europe may be presented on an axis with two poles, with many variants or combinations of informality and formality between them. These positions also allow the identification of specific regime types and legal systems. This chapter seeks to contextualize the distinction between the formal and the informal and to relate it to types of political regime, the principal focus resting on informal politics. Specific political contexts may produce practices of informality that have become so generalised that they can be described as cultures of informality. The interesting question is： to what extent are specific forms of informal structures more resilient in particular regime types than in others？ Particularly looking at some of the more-or-less autocratic Euroasiatic states, one can easily recognize that the very purpose of informal politics and institutions is to restrict or eliminate political competition. Forms and meanings of what is informal and formal change the further one moves eastwards. Formal rules are and may be used together with informal institutions to control society. All this points to specific cultures of informality that can be observed, as well as different cultures of trust and distrust. On the other hand, such cultures of informality have to be considered in the context of specific political systems, together with their regimes （the concrete configurations of political power） and their organisations. This paper looks particularly at hybrid non-democracies and suggests one might consider them, in the perspective ofNiklas Luhmann＇s system theory, as parasites of functional differentiation.
文摘In this research work, the author focuses on the analysis of the trade interests in foreign policy of the Global South. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the new models of the foreign trade policy and trade interests of Global South. First of all, it must underline that in the new theoretical terms in the demand for trade policy very important is factor specificity. The low specificity of factors means that factor returns are equalized throughout a region＇s economy. Moreover, some factors are stuck in their present uses; therefore, factor returns are not equalized throughout a region＇s economy, but are industry specific. The main objective of the research task is to give a comprehensive analysis of the models of foreign trade policy, trade interests indicated by export orientation and import sensitivity, protectionistic pressures in different political system and different types of authoritarian regimes of Global South, the level of protectionistic pressures, the rise of qualitatively new politics in North-South relations like bilateral tendencies. It should be stressed that free trade in itself is not responsible for economic growth, but more significant are the determining macroeconomic stability and increasing investment of Global South.
文摘This abstract has concerned primarily with the new look to the stages of post-Soviet Kazakh nationalism development embedded in context of Eurasian concept. Could we prove true widely held predictions about future strengthening of nationalists＇ position in post-crisis country？ As we state, opposite to above mentioned ideas, the more Kazakhstan would be involved in to Russian politics orbit which means further movement to Eurasian ＂path＂ the more undermined should be Kazakh nationalists conventional certainties. Moreover, one of the world crisis consequences could be displayed in leadership authoritarian tendencies strengthening. The latter undoubtedly ought to erode Kazakh nationalists＇ position.
