This paper deals with US-Libya relations in the context of the Arab Spring. The US foreign policy and its contradictions both in Libya and the Arab World are critically examined. The specific international relations i...This paper deals with US-Libya relations in the context of the Arab Spring. The US foreign policy and its contradictions both in Libya and the Arab World are critically examined. The specific international relations issue in question is that of intervention based on the principle of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). The paper sheds light on how this principle was applied to justify the US and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military intervention in Libya in 2011 and argues that despite the noble aim of getting rid of a nasty dictator like Muammar Gaddafi, the R2P was actually abused for the interests of the intervening powers. The US tried to "hit two birds with a single stone": getting rid of Gaddafi and supportive of simultaneous of the Libyan people and their long yearning for democracy. However, the results provide a testimony that discredits the primacy of any noble assertions since the intervention has actually undermined the genuine popular uprising in Libya.展开更多
A No-Fly Zone(NFZ)is a unique mode of humanitarian intervention which is understudied in international relations.This article focuses on the political dimension of NFZs in international relations and investigates thei...A No-Fly Zone(NFZ)is a unique mode of humanitarian intervention which is understudied in international relations.This article focuses on the political dimension of NFZs in international relations and investigates their implementations by empirically reviewing all three cases of NFZs to date.There may be efforts by intervening states to highlight humanitarian crises among certain targets to secure UN authorization for the NFZs;yet the implementation of NFZs is also driven largely by the security interests of enforcing states.As a result,there is the potential for those states implementing NFZs to transcend legal authorization and sometimes use excessive force,with likely calamitous results for local populations,or in extreme cases,accomplishing regime change by supporting opposition parties in target states.展开更多
In this article, I examine the view that there is a human right to democracy, and consider why we should regard this issue as decisive in solving the problems of foreign interference in the protection of human rights....In this article, I examine the view that there is a human right to democracy, and consider why we should regard this issue as decisive in solving the problems of foreign interference in the protection of human rights. I also note that there has been almost no discussion about the holder of the human right to democracy, that is, who is to hold this right. After comparing John Rawls' argument against the human right to democracy and Thomas Christiano's argument for it and showing similarities and critical differences among their arguments, I insist that we ought to be sensitive when proclaiming that democracy--be it a minimally egalitarian democracy or a more exacting one--is a universal value. We have sufficient cause to consider carefully not only the political circumstances but also the political infrastructure of the country before we proceed to an even limited intervention in the name of the protection of a human right to democracy. If the human right to democracy is not just a right to vote, but a right to the whole process of establishment and enjoyment of democracy, it should be understood as a group right that pertains to a human population that legitimately claims political self-determination. Any human population that insists on the democratic self-determination of their political will is both able and entitled to establish and administer democratic institutions, regardless of the diversity of its ascribed or cultural characteristics. The establishment of such a group with a firm political identity should be considered as the political infrastructure to claim and exercise the human right to democracy.展开更多
During the political upheaval in the Middle East in 2011,the Western countries adopted a policy focusing on both military intervention and the so-called“humanitarian interference”in the Middle East countries.Europe,...During the political upheaval in the Middle East in 2011,the Western countries adopted a policy focusing on both military intervention and the so-called“humanitarian interference”in the Middle East countries.Europe,the US and other Western powers distorted the“legitimacy”authorized by the UN and took military means to impose regime change in Libya,seriously disrupting the order of international relations.Their intervention efforts in this have far exceeded the ones before the Cold War.In the Intervention,they tried to secure legalization of their intervention,to take collective intervention,as well as nurture and support the country’s opposition parties to cause the“civil war”approach as the model of intervention.Their intervention has been blatant,fraudulent,hidden,and mandatory.From the development trend,because of the importance of the geopolitical position and strategic energy position of the Middle East and North Africa,as well as Western powers’pursuit of global geopolitical interests,the Western powers’intervention in the Middle East and North Africa will continue.These countries will still be faced with the historical responsibility to oppose power intervention.Their self-development and ability to maintain their own security will continue to face serious challenges.展开更多
文摘This paper deals with US-Libya relations in the context of the Arab Spring. The US foreign policy and its contradictions both in Libya and the Arab World are critically examined. The specific international relations issue in question is that of intervention based on the principle of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). The paper sheds light on how this principle was applied to justify the US and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military intervention in Libya in 2011 and argues that despite the noble aim of getting rid of a nasty dictator like Muammar Gaddafi, the R2P was actually abused for the interests of the intervening powers. The US tried to "hit two birds with a single stone": getting rid of Gaddafi and supportive of simultaneous of the Libyan people and their long yearning for democracy. However, the results provide a testimony that discredits the primacy of any noble assertions since the intervention has actually undermined the genuine popular uprising in Libya.
基金This article has been sponsored by the Core Research Base Project“The Comparative Study of the States outside the NPT Regime”(project number:11jz004)from Education Department of Shaanxi Provincial Government and two-class General Financial Grant for the China Postdoctoral Science Foundation(Grant No.:2012M521660).
文摘A No-Fly Zone(NFZ)is a unique mode of humanitarian intervention which is understudied in international relations.This article focuses on the political dimension of NFZs in international relations and investigates their implementations by empirically reviewing all three cases of NFZs to date.There may be efforts by intervening states to highlight humanitarian crises among certain targets to secure UN authorization for the NFZs;yet the implementation of NFZs is also driven largely by the security interests of enforcing states.As a result,there is the potential for those states implementing NFZs to transcend legal authorization and sometimes use excessive force,with likely calamitous results for local populations,or in extreme cases,accomplishing regime change by supporting opposition parties in target states.
文摘In this article, I examine the view that there is a human right to democracy, and consider why we should regard this issue as decisive in solving the problems of foreign interference in the protection of human rights. I also note that there has been almost no discussion about the holder of the human right to democracy, that is, who is to hold this right. After comparing John Rawls' argument against the human right to democracy and Thomas Christiano's argument for it and showing similarities and critical differences among their arguments, I insist that we ought to be sensitive when proclaiming that democracy--be it a minimally egalitarian democracy or a more exacting one--is a universal value. We have sufficient cause to consider carefully not only the political circumstances but also the political infrastructure of the country before we proceed to an even limited intervention in the name of the protection of a human right to democracy. If the human right to democracy is not just a right to vote, but a right to the whole process of establishment and enjoyment of democracy, it should be understood as a group right that pertains to a human population that legitimately claims political self-determination. Any human population that insists on the democratic self-determination of their political will is both able and entitled to establish and administer democratic institutions, regardless of the diversity of its ascribed or cultural characteristics. The establishment of such a group with a firm political identity should be considered as the political infrastructure to claim and exercise the human right to democracy.
基金The article is the phased result of the Social Sciences Innovation Project of the Institute of West Asian and African Studies of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences“Study on hot issues in the Middle East and China’s countermeasures”.
文摘During the political upheaval in the Middle East in 2011,the Western countries adopted a policy focusing on both military intervention and the so-called“humanitarian interference”in the Middle East countries.Europe,the US and other Western powers distorted the“legitimacy”authorized by the UN and took military means to impose regime change in Libya,seriously disrupting the order of international relations.Their intervention efforts in this have far exceeded the ones before the Cold War.In the Intervention,they tried to secure legalization of their intervention,to take collective intervention,as well as nurture and support the country’s opposition parties to cause the“civil war”approach as the model of intervention.Their intervention has been blatant,fraudulent,hidden,and mandatory.From the development trend,because of the importance of the geopolitical position and strategic energy position of the Middle East and North Africa,as well as Western powers’pursuit of global geopolitical interests,the Western powers’intervention in the Middle East and North Africa will continue.These countries will still be faced with the historical responsibility to oppose power intervention.Their self-development and ability to maintain their own security will continue to face serious challenges.