This article ties in with the research on an emerging ＂China model＂ as an alternative to conceptions of political order introduced and promoted by the ＂West＂. While the term ＂China model＂ will remain of enormous...This article ties in with the research on an emerging ＂China model＂ as an alternative to conceptions of political order introduced and promoted by the ＂West＂. While the term ＂China model＂ will remain of enormous political importance and is in need of further research, the emergence of a ＂one size fits all＂ model of Chinese policy making is rather unlikely. Instead of searching for such a model, social scientific research should analyze whether and how the fragmented Chinese polity is being impacted by such unitary ＂ideas＂ of a Chinese political order and vice versa.展开更多
Causes, paths and interim results of the Arab Spring are discussed from the perspective of comparative revolutionary analysis. One has to distinguish revolutionary situations, with a multitude of conflict forms, from ...Causes, paths and interim results of the Arab Spring are discussed from the perspective of comparative revolutionary analysis. One has to distinguish revolutionary situations, with a multitude of conflict forms, from revolutionary outcomes. Also one should consider the options for development granted by different forms of political authority. Sultanist rule here allows for only highly limited perspectives. Such a form of political authority is focused only on the ruler and his entourage. There is no developing of encompassing and persistent institutions that would allow for smooth political change and the provision of public goods characteristic of democratic order. Numerous other theoretical elements are drawn on in assessing the chances of transformation and possible scenarios. Population pressures by an extremely young and mostly unemployed or underemployed population and the lack of a regional power are two of the crucial burdens. Further, one finds persistent cultural-religious cleavages The Arab monarchies from Morocco to Saudi-Arabia have reacted with very limited political concessions and welfare payments to buy off protest sentiments. Thus far they could avoid regime failure as occurred to the more Sultanist regimes in Libya and Syria. In the second portion of this manuscript the security implications of the failed Arab spring are addressed in regional and global terms.展开更多
Emperor Qianlong of the Qing dynasty celebrated his eightieth birthday in 1790, for which Vietnam, Korea, the Ryukyu Islands, Burma, and Mongolia sent delegates to the imperial summer resort at Chengde 承德 to pay hom...Emperor Qianlong of the Qing dynasty celebrated his eightieth birthday in 1790, for which Vietnam, Korea, the Ryukyu Islands, Burma, and Mongolia sent delegates to the imperial summer resort at Chengde 承德 to pay homage. Curiously, the Annamese （or, Vietnamese） king NguygnQuangB]nh （阮光平）, who had just defeated the Qing army, offered to appear in Qing costume and kowtow to the Qing emperor. The unusual act pleased Emperor Qianlong and infuriated the Korean delegates. What did costume and ceremonial mean in the context of the East Asian political and cultural order？ Why did the British embassy to China led by Lord Macartney three years later cause friction with regards to sartorial and ceremonial manners？ This lecture will address these questions.展开更多
文摘This article ties in with the research on an emerging ＂China model＂ as an alternative to conceptions of political order introduced and promoted by the ＂West＂. While the term ＂China model＂ will remain of enormous political importance and is in need of further research, the emergence of a ＂one size fits all＂ model of Chinese policy making is rather unlikely. Instead of searching for such a model, social scientific research should analyze whether and how the fragmented Chinese polity is being impacted by such unitary ＂ideas＂ of a Chinese political order and vice versa.
文摘Causes, paths and interim results of the Arab Spring are discussed from the perspective of comparative revolutionary analysis. One has to distinguish revolutionary situations, with a multitude of conflict forms, from revolutionary outcomes. Also one should consider the options for development granted by different forms of political authority. Sultanist rule here allows for only highly limited perspectives. Such a form of political authority is focused only on the ruler and his entourage. There is no developing of encompassing and persistent institutions that would allow for smooth political change and the provision of public goods characteristic of democratic order. Numerous other theoretical elements are drawn on in assessing the chances of transformation and possible scenarios. Population pressures by an extremely young and mostly unemployed or underemployed population and the lack of a regional power are two of the crucial burdens. Further, one finds persistent cultural-religious cleavages The Arab monarchies from Morocco to Saudi-Arabia have reacted with very limited political concessions and welfare payments to buy off protest sentiments. Thus far they could avoid regime failure as occurred to the more Sultanist regimes in Libya and Syria. In the second portion of this manuscript the security implications of the failed Arab spring are addressed in regional and global terms.
文摘Emperor Qianlong of the Qing dynasty celebrated his eightieth birthday in 1790, for which Vietnam, Korea, the Ryukyu Islands, Burma, and Mongolia sent delegates to the imperial summer resort at Chengde 承德 to pay homage. Curiously, the Annamese （or, Vietnamese） king NguygnQuangB]nh （阮光平）, who had just defeated the Qing army, offered to appear in Qing costume and kowtow to the Qing emperor. The unusual act pleased Emperor Qianlong and infuriated the Korean delegates. What did costume and ceremonial mean in the context of the East Asian political and cultural order？ Why did the British embassy to China led by Lord Macartney three years later cause friction with regards to sartorial and ceremonial manners？ This lecture will address these questions.
