This article explores reform of the United Nations Security Council and the response of the Muslim-majority member states seeking greater participation in the organization.A variety of models and plans for Council ref...This article explores reform of the United Nations Security Council and the response of the Muslim-majority member states seeking greater participation in the organization.A variety of models and plans for Council reform have emerged since 2000.Within this debate,Muslim-majority member states have focused on the restriction/abolition of the veto,the inclusion of Egypt and Nigeria as permanent African/Muslim representatives,and instigating the procedural reforms.Despite this sentiment,the reform process has led to inter-state rivalry among these states and confusion about the best path to progress.As a result,there is little promise for Muslim states in gaining an increased level of participation in the Council.Muslim ambitions are hindered by an inability of these states to coordinate a unified reaction;inter-state rivalry;the reticence of existing Council members to approve permanent Muslim membership;the relatively weak bargaining position that these states hold in the negotiations,and the tendency for many to support one of the different reform models,some with mutually-exclusive perspectives.展开更多
A new UN Security Council has been unveiled to the world as India,South Africa,Germany,Portugal and Colombia won two-year non-permanent seat on the council.
The current research overlaps a linguistic and a legal analysis of public international law in the Ukrainian case.Based on both official documents and public declarations,it explains the grounds for the wide range of ...The current research overlaps a linguistic and a legal analysis of public international law in the Ukrainian case.Based on both official documents and public declarations,it explains the grounds for the wide range of understandings that the two common concepts-peace and war-may be bearing depending of the angle of looking at the matter and depending on the actor invoking them.The study develops the reasons likely to have been considered by President Putin when insisting to refer to the Russian military action started in Ukraine in February 2022 as“special military operation”instead of“war”and the cardinal difference in terms of legal impact for such a linguistic choice.It also builds on the elements which could serve as a basis for achieving a deal in obtaining peace in Ukraine,while tackling on the possible geopolitical,public communication and diplomatic hurdles,and offering clues for strategic analysis of the matter.展开更多
When United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres diagnosed the world with a bad case of‘trust deficit disorder’in 2018,UN peacekeeping seemed to have been somewhat sheltered from an increasingly chaotic world ...When United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres diagnosed the world with a bad case of‘trust deficit disorder’in 2018,UN peacekeeping seemed to have been somewhat sheltered from an increasingly chaotic world order.In September 2018,more than 150 member states signed a Declaration of Shared Commitments on UN Peacekeeping Operations(A4P).But a year later,however,on the eve of the organization’s 75th anniversary,what remains the most visible conflict management tool at the disposal of the Security Council is seeing fault lines widening.The traditional consensus over peacekeeping is eroding.Burden-sharing between those countries who,respectively,mandate,finance,and provide peacekeepers has become ever more complex in a context of an increasingly divided Council and new financial crises.Peacekeeping visions have grown further apart as some member states push for more militarized stabilization and protection of civilians approaches when others call for a return to the core principles of peacekeeping.The author concludes that despite these fault lines,peacekeeping remains a remarkable enterprise of multilateralism through which trust and solidarity between member states can be reinforced.This at the condition that greater emphasis be put when carrying out necessary reforms on a more just and equitable burden-sharing-among the P5,between the P5 and ten elected members of the Council,and between the Council and Troop Contributing Countries-and on rebuilding consensus and coherence both in New York and in field missions.展开更多
文摘This article explores reform of the United Nations Security Council and the response of the Muslim-majority member states seeking greater participation in the organization.A variety of models and plans for Council reform have emerged since 2000.Within this debate,Muslim-majority member states have focused on the restriction/abolition of the veto,the inclusion of Egypt and Nigeria as permanent African/Muslim representatives,and instigating the procedural reforms.Despite this sentiment,the reform process has led to inter-state rivalry among these states and confusion about the best path to progress.As a result,there is little promise for Muslim states in gaining an increased level of participation in the Council.Muslim ambitions are hindered by an inability of these states to coordinate a unified reaction;inter-state rivalry;the reticence of existing Council members to approve permanent Muslim membership;the relatively weak bargaining position that these states hold in the negotiations,and the tendency for many to support one of the different reform models,some with mutually-exclusive perspectives.
文摘A new UN Security Council has been unveiled to the world as India,South Africa,Germany,Portugal and Colombia won two-year non-permanent seat on the council.
文摘The current research overlaps a linguistic and a legal analysis of public international law in the Ukrainian case.Based on both official documents and public declarations,it explains the grounds for the wide range of understandings that the two common concepts-peace and war-may be bearing depending of the angle of looking at the matter and depending on the actor invoking them.The study develops the reasons likely to have been considered by President Putin when insisting to refer to the Russian military action started in Ukraine in February 2022 as“special military operation”instead of“war”and the cardinal difference in terms of legal impact for such a linguistic choice.It also builds on the elements which could serve as a basis for achieving a deal in obtaining peace in Ukraine,while tackling on the possible geopolitical,public communication and diplomatic hurdles,and offering clues for strategic analysis of the matter.
文摘When United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres diagnosed the world with a bad case of‘trust deficit disorder’in 2018,UN peacekeeping seemed to have been somewhat sheltered from an increasingly chaotic world order.In September 2018,more than 150 member states signed a Declaration of Shared Commitments on UN Peacekeeping Operations(A4P).But a year later,however,on the eve of the organization’s 75th anniversary,what remains the most visible conflict management tool at the disposal of the Security Council is seeing fault lines widening.The traditional consensus over peacekeeping is eroding.Burden-sharing between those countries who,respectively,mandate,finance,and provide peacekeepers has become ever more complex in a context of an increasingly divided Council and new financial crises.Peacekeeping visions have grown further apart as some member states push for more militarized stabilization and protection of civilians approaches when others call for a return to the core principles of peacekeeping.The author concludes that despite these fault lines,peacekeeping remains a remarkable enterprise of multilateralism through which trust and solidarity between member states can be reinforced.This at the condition that greater emphasis be put when carrying out necessary reforms on a more just and equitable burden-sharing-among the P5,between the P5 and ten elected members of the Council,and between the Council and Troop Contributing Countries-and on rebuilding consensus and coherence both in New York and in field missions.
