In March 2017, Narendra Modi led his Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) to victory in state elections, among which he gained parliamentary election of Uttar Pradesh(state in northern India), known as the weather vane of Indi...In March 2017, Narendra Modi led his Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) to victory in state elections, among which he gained parliamentary election of Uttar Pradesh(state in northern India), known as the weather vane of Indian elections. Back in 2014, the BJP had already won a simple majority in Lok Sabha(the lower house of parliament), bringing an end to more than 30 years of coalition government. Now, the BJP is exhibiting stronger presence as a one-party-rule at both federal and local levels, with no counter-balance from the Indian National Congress, local parties, or left wing parties now or in the foreseeable future. This increases the likelihood of Modi's re-election as prime minister in 2019. Obviously,Indian political development is characterized by complexity, accidental factors and intrinsic logic, which will definitely exert great influence on the future of India.展开更多
Richard Rorty＇s moral finitism is based on some ideas from John Stuart Mill＇s work On Liberty. For Rorty, religious truths would be the main obstacles for the development of freedom and, at the same time, for human ...Richard Rorty＇s moral finitism is based on some ideas from John Stuart Mill＇s work On Liberty. For Rorty, religious truths would be the main obstacles for the development of freedom and, at the same time, for human happiness. Rorty introduces the concepts of contingency and literary culture to express the situation of personal moral development, stressing that our life must be seen as an endless narration. So, there is no fixed development given once and for all. Rorty＇s anticlericalism is also based on the idea that the creation of clerical institutions and hierarchies is dangerous in the sense that they pose demands which go beyond individual perspectives and make religious obligations be prior to moral ones. Nevertheless, there are some misconceptions in Rorty＇s position when he discusses the idea of moral obligation and the relationship between religion and religious institutions.展开更多
Understanding the causal relationship between the criminal law should start with the objective nature of behavior and then set out to determine whether there is the causal relationship between behavior and results, an...Understanding the causal relationship between the criminal law should start with the objective nature of behavior and then set out to determine whether there is the causal relationship between behavior and results, and then combine with the perpetrator＇ s subjective guilt to determine whether his conduct is harmful behavior, so as to determine the severity of his criminal responsibility. In criminal law the causal relationship between the harmful behavior and harmful results is an intrinsic, essential contact. Endangering behavior （i.e. reason） is generated with contingency; in criminal law causality itself is a dialectical unity of necessity and contingency. One should correctly distinguish causes and conditions in the cause and effect relationship; one cannot equate a causal relationship in criminal law with constituting crime and undertaking criminal responsibility. Criminal law of causality is the main content of a crime in an objective harm, which reflects the intrinsic link of the harm behavior and harm. Correctly solving the criminal law of causality is important for the solution how much criminal responsibility the armful behavior should bear.展开更多
China＇s insistence on the non-interference principle has been increasingly inconsistent. While China＇s concern with sovereignty, regime security, and legitimacy, as well as its developing country identity, have push...China＇s insistence on the non-interference principle has been increasingly inconsistent. While China＇s concern with sovereignty, regime security, and legitimacy, as well as its developing country identity, have pushed it to continue its insistence on the principle of non-interference, China＇s further adaptation to the international system, increasing engagement in intemational institutions, and new identity as a responsible power have led China to drag its feet on the same principle. To reconcile these competing forces, China has to make concessions, namely, setting preconditions to legitimize intervention, designing a sovereignty-first solution, and/or complementing the non-interference principle with alternative principles. China＇s application of the non-interference principle has thus been made contingent. It is more inflexible at one end of a spectrum and more flexible at the other end, with China＇s foreign policies shifting back and forth between them.展开更多
文摘In March 2017, Narendra Modi led his Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) to victory in state elections, among which he gained parliamentary election of Uttar Pradesh(state in northern India), known as the weather vane of Indian elections. Back in 2014, the BJP had already won a simple majority in Lok Sabha(the lower house of parliament), bringing an end to more than 30 years of coalition government. Now, the BJP is exhibiting stronger presence as a one-party-rule at both federal and local levels, with no counter-balance from the Indian National Congress, local parties, or left wing parties now or in the foreseeable future. This increases the likelihood of Modi's re-election as prime minister in 2019. Obviously,Indian political development is characterized by complexity, accidental factors and intrinsic logic, which will definitely exert great influence on the future of India.
文摘Richard Rorty＇s moral finitism is based on some ideas from John Stuart Mill＇s work On Liberty. For Rorty, religious truths would be the main obstacles for the development of freedom and, at the same time, for human happiness. Rorty introduces the concepts of contingency and literary culture to express the situation of personal moral development, stressing that our life must be seen as an endless narration. So, there is no fixed development given once and for all. Rorty＇s anticlericalism is also based on the idea that the creation of clerical institutions and hierarchies is dangerous in the sense that they pose demands which go beyond individual perspectives and make religious obligations be prior to moral ones. Nevertheless, there are some misconceptions in Rorty＇s position when he discusses the idea of moral obligation and the relationship between religion and religious institutions.
文摘Understanding the causal relationship between the criminal law should start with the objective nature of behavior and then set out to determine whether there is the causal relationship between behavior and results, and then combine with the perpetrator＇ s subjective guilt to determine whether his conduct is harmful behavior, so as to determine the severity of his criminal responsibility. In criminal law the causal relationship between the harmful behavior and harmful results is an intrinsic, essential contact. Endangering behavior （i.e. reason） is generated with contingency; in criminal law causality itself is a dialectical unity of necessity and contingency. One should correctly distinguish causes and conditions in the cause and effect relationship; one cannot equate a causal relationship in criminal law with constituting crime and undertaking criminal responsibility. Criminal law of causality is the main content of a crime in an objective harm, which reflects the intrinsic link of the harm behavior and harm. Correctly solving the criminal law of causality is important for the solution how much criminal responsibility the armful behavior should bear.
文摘China＇s insistence on the non-interference principle has been increasingly inconsistent. While China＇s concern with sovereignty, regime security, and legitimacy, as well as its developing country identity, have pushed it to continue its insistence on the principle of non-interference, China＇s further adaptation to the international system, increasing engagement in intemational institutions, and new identity as a responsible power have led China to drag its feet on the same principle. To reconcile these competing forces, China has to make concessions, namely, setting preconditions to legitimize intervention, designing a sovereignty-first solution, and/or complementing the non-interference principle with alternative principles. China＇s application of the non-interference principle has thus been made contingent. It is more inflexible at one end of a spectrum and more flexible at the other end, with China＇s foreign policies shifting back and forth between them.
