It was under extremely complex background at home and abroad that the Communist Party of China proposed to form a coalition government. Domestically, the Kuomintang was faced with military defeat and political crisis ...It was under extremely complex background at home and abroad that the Communist Party of China proposed to form a coalition government. Domestically, the Kuomintang was faced with military defeat and political crisis while the strength of the Communist Party of China grew increasingly. Besides, the Constitutionalism Movement launched by democratic parties failed. Internationally, the proposal of a coalition government was inspired politically by some European countries and promoted by the US-Soviet policies towards China. It had a significant impact on domestic and international situation at that time and pointed out the direction of Chinese political model for Chinese people.展开更多
Chinese dream thought is come down in one continuous line with the spirit of the 18th Chinese Communist Party Congress. It is a popular model of The Marx doctrine, which has great charisma and cohesion. If Chinese dre...Chinese dream thought is come down in one continuous line with the spirit of the 18th Chinese Communist Party Congress. It is a popular model of The Marx doctrine, which has great charisma and cohesion. If Chinese dream thought want to integrate into the teaching of ideological and political theory in higher vocational colleges, it should taking ＂the unity of the social common ideals and personal＂, ＂the unity of the historical logic and theory logic＂, and ＂the unity of the life dream and career success happiness＂ as the breakthrough point. Meanwhile, Seize the teaching content, teaching method innovation and teachers team construction of three key links, to strengthen the China dream ideological education, and strengthen the sense of the times, pertinence and effectiveness of vocational ideological and political lesson teaching.展开更多
The paper deals with recent deviations from the shared values of con- stitutionalism towards a kind of ＇populist, illiberal constitutionalism＇ introduced by Hungary＇s new constitution in 2011. The populism of FIDES...The paper deals with recent deviations from the shared values of con- stitutionalism towards a kind of ＇populist, illiberal constitutionalism＇ introduced by Hungary＇s new constitution in 2011. The populism of FIDESZ was directed against all elites, including the ones that designed the 1989 constitutional system （in which FIDESZ also participated）, claiming that it was time for a new revolution. This is why PM Viktor Orban characterized the results of the 2010 elections as a ＇revo- lution of the ballot boxes＇. His intention with this revolution was to eliminate all checks and balances, and even the parliamentary rotation of governing parties. His vision for a new constitutional order----one in which his political party occupies the centre stage of Hungarian political life and puts an end to debates over values has now been entrenched in the new constitution. The paper argues that this current Hungarian constitutional system was made possible by FIDESZ＇ anti-pluralist nationalist populism, but is not necessarily based on a true commitment to expressing the will of the people via ＇illiberal constitutionalism＇. The populist government rather misuses the country＇s lack of constitutional culture. Adherence to constitutional patriotism would mean that FIDESZ would have to endorse what John Rawls once called ＇constitutional essentials＇. The core of this kind of con- stitutional patriotism is a constitutional culture centred on universalist liberal democratic norms and values. Instead, the current Hungarian constitutional system is confronted with unconstitutional patriotism, a kind of nationalism that violates constitutional essentials in the name of ＇national constitutional identity＇.展开更多
In the last three decades, the rise of a populist challenge to the liberal political mainstream exposed how shallow the supposed victory of global liberalism was, even in its heartlands in Europe and North America. Ex...In the last three decades, the rise of a populist challenge to the liberal political mainstream exposed how shallow the supposed victory of global liberalism was, even in its heartlands in Europe and North America. Exclusive nationalism and nativism, identity politics, critiques of globaiisation and internationalism, and calls for democratic re-empowerment of the demos have converged politically on a new locus of inflated territorial, indeed ＇border＇ sovereignty, aligning the caU of ＇taking back control＇ on behalf of a radically re-defined community （＇we＇） with a defensive re-territorialisation of power along existing fault lines of nation-statism. In this paper, I argue that the very same call has become the new common political denominator for all populist platforms and parties across Europe. I argue that populists across the conventional left-fight divide have deployed a rigidly territo- rialised concept of popular sovereignty in order to bestow intellectual coherence and communicative power to the otherwise disparate strands of their anti-utopian cri- tiques of globalisation. In spite of significant ideological differences between so- called fight- and left-wing populism, in the short-term the two populist projects have sought to stage their performances of sovereigntism on, behind or inside the borders of the existing nation-states.展开更多
Modernization gave birth to party politics, and party politics dominates modernization. Their correlation and interaction have been a major logic behind the evolution of human civilization since the beginning of moder...Modernization gave birth to party politics, and party politics dominates modernization. Their correlation and interaction have been a major logic behind the evolution of human civilization since the beginning of modern times. The objectivity of China’s modernization gives rise to the historical inevitability of party politics, and its relevance to the Chinese nation and to the current time dictates that party politics should be socialist in China and that its development is an irreversible trend. In the Chinese revolution, in the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and in the modernization of China over the past century, to accomplish the historic task of national rejuvenation, Chinese socialist party politics has profoundly changed the course of Chinese history, making Chinese society strive for modernization and causing great changes in the contemporary world. During this process, Chinese socialist party politics has had a 'distinct fundamental value orientation,' followed 'the premise of essential theoretical guidance,' enjoyed 'dominant institutional support,' provided 'goal-oriented value guidance' and received a 'crucial political guarantee.' It has combined its own values with China’s modernization and played a leading role in this drive. It has pursued the most deep-seated values, demonstrated the most unique characteristics of practice, and made the most significant contribution to civilization. All this is a key element of the experience and theory of the interaction between modernization and Chinese socialist party politics. It also provides crucial support for and guides the value of strengthening the Communist Party of China(CPC) and modernizing China.展开更多
Against the backdrop of the 19^th century, the First International, guided by Marxism, emerged in the form of the early ＂International Socialist Federation.＂ It viewed the seizure of power as the great mission of th...Against the backdrop of the 19^th century, the First International, guided by Marxism, emerged in the form of the early ＂International Socialist Federation.＂ It viewed the seizure of power as the great mission of the proletariat, actively struggled against bourgeois regimes, strongly responded to the call of times for the theoretical self-consciousness and organized struggle of the proletariat, and exerted a profound historical influence on the stirring inauguration and nationally oriented development of the international Communist movement of the 20th century. From the socialist party political perspective, the First Intemational, once the Communist League, had raised the curtain on socialist party politics, changed the political mode of capitalist party politics＇ exclusive world domination through the interactive development of new organizational forms, theoretical viewpoints and political practice. It thus left an abundant historical legacy in terms of ideological creation and practical innovation for the subsequent Second International, the Communist International and the emergence and development of socialist party politics within nation-states. Although its socialist party political practice had an obvious ＂regional,＂ ＂preliminary＂ and ＂tentative＂ nature, the First International had foundation-laying significance and pioneering value for the development of socialist party politics, whether in terms of organizational vehicles, value orientation and activity content, or in terms of ideological guidance, practical patterns and strategic principles.展开更多
Over the long history of political civilization,the 100 years of the party politics of socialist countries has emerged as a new form of politics.Exploration of the last 100 years of the party politics of socialist cou...Over the long history of political civilization,the 100 years of the party politics of socialist countries has emerged as a new form of politics.Exploration of the last 100 years of the party politics of socialist countries deals with the self-governance and national governance of Marxist ruling parties.It reflects intraparty relationships,interparty relationships,relationships between party and government and relationships between party and society,as well as foreign relations,and spans three historical periods,comprising the first establishment of party politics in Soviet Russia;the adoption of party rule in other countries,with concomitant setbacks;and the achievement by China,Vietnam and other countries of party political innovation and development.A review of the experience of the past hundred years shows that success in making party politics the basic system in socialist countries and in tapping its full potential is attributable to the efforts made by Marxist ruling parties to undertake fruitful theoretical reflection and grasp values,adhere to the truth and correct mistakes on the basis of exceptional strategic confidence and policy commitment,while constantly opening up new stages of theoretical understanding and practical development.The party politics of socialist countries in the 21 st century drives their modernization andcultivates and improves their practice.The union of the two in the magnificent historical process of the sustainable development of socialist institutional civilization will have major and far-reaching significance for building a brighter future for humanity.展开更多
Recent liberal political science analysis has highlighted media, manipu- lation, and populist political trickery in the apparently sudden rise of the new Right in Europe and the USA. I suggest that a robust engagement...Recent liberal political science analysis has highlighted media, manipu- lation, and populist political trickery in the apparently sudden rise of the new Right in Europe and the USA. I suggest that a robust engagement with the actual social transformations over which liberalism has presided since 1989 is imperative. Anthropological work on class processes and the rise of neo-nationalist populism in Central and Eastern Europe has been strong in developing a more relational, pro- cessual, and embedded vision. In the current paper, I am looking at the phases and spaces of the rise of iUiberalism as a popular political sensibility in Central and Eastern Europe. In particular, I am interested in its gradual upscaling to the level of the nation state and, through the ＂Visegrad bloc＂ to the EU. I argue that both the emergence and step-by-step upscaling of illiberal political sensibilities are explained by class relational processes and the regionally uneven Polanyi-type ＂counter- movements＂ against liberalizations that they brought forth.展开更多
Over the past 30 years, Chinese society has undergone an enormous social transition. Along with the rise of a private economy, private business owners have emerged as a new social stratum, which attracts academic atte...Over the past 30 years, Chinese society has undergone an enormous social transition. Along with the rise of a private economy, private business owners have emerged as a new social stratum, which attracts academic attention domestically and internationally. As for the social origins of the private business owners, some of the private business owners are former cadres and current members of the Chinese Communist Party（CCP）. A question rarely pursued is what effects these ties have on political participation of＂ private business owners. The paper explores this question on the basis of data gathered in a representative survey of private enterprises in 2006. The study shows that the Chinese private business owners have diverse social origins, and their behavior in terms of political participation is also distinct in some ways. When it comes to the patterns of political participation of the private business owners, CCP members and former officials among private business owners indeed have unique characteristics in their access to political resources, but the patterns of political participation vary between these two groups. Furthermore, there are also considerable differences between members of the CCP and democratic parties in China in these respects. These findings cast doubt on the common use of CCP membership and occupational experience as cadre as interchangeable indicators for the ＂political capital＂ of business owners. A more differentiated understanding of the nature of political capital and mechanisms by which it is put to use by private entrepreneurs in China is called for.展开更多
During the past decades, while the Chinese Communist Party （CCP） has continued to consolidate its political leadership and refused to tolerate any opposition parties, intra-party democracy has been emphasized repeat...During the past decades, while the Chinese Communist Party （CCP） has continued to consolidate its political leadership and refused to tolerate any opposition parties, intra-party democracy has been emphasized repeatedly and expanded vigorously by Chinese Communist leaders as an alternative to electoral democracy or liberal democracy characterized by multiparty competition. Various democratic experiments have been conducted and many democratic elements introduced at all levels in the CCP. Although the growth of intra-party democracy is limited, these great efforts and achievements have profound implications for China＇s democratic future. The growth of intra-party democracy not only reflects the CCP＇s continuous efforts to institutionalize the rules of elite politics and fight against widespread corruption, but might also provide a good approach for political transition to democracy with Chinese characteristics in the future.展开更多
GENERAL FALLS FROM GRACEGuo Boxiong,a former military leader,was expelled from the Communist Party of China（CPC）for taking bribes on July 30.The Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee also decided to transfer...GENERAL FALLS FROM GRACEGuo Boxiong,a former military leader,was expelled from the Communist Party of China（CPC）for taking bribes on July 30.The Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee also decided to transfer his case to military prosecutors.Guo,73,served as vice chairman of the Central Military Commission（CMC）from 2002to 2012.展开更多
文摘It was under extremely complex background at home and abroad that the Communist Party of China proposed to form a coalition government. Domestically, the Kuomintang was faced with military defeat and political crisis while the strength of the Communist Party of China grew increasingly. Besides, the Constitutionalism Movement launched by democratic parties failed. Internationally, the proposal of a coalition government was inspired politically by some European countries and promoted by the US-Soviet policies towards China. It had a significant impact on domestic and international situation at that time and pointed out the direction of Chinese political model for Chinese people.
文摘Chinese dream thought is come down in one continuous line with the spirit of the 18th Chinese Communist Party Congress. It is a popular model of The Marx doctrine, which has great charisma and cohesion. If Chinese dream thought want to integrate into the teaching of ideological and political theory in higher vocational colleges, it should taking ＂the unity of the social common ideals and personal＂, ＂the unity of the historical logic and theory logic＂, and ＂the unity of the life dream and career success happiness＂ as the breakthrough point. Meanwhile, Seize the teaching content, teaching method innovation and teachers team construction of three key links, to strengthen the China dream ideological education, and strengthen the sense of the times, pertinence and effectiveness of vocational ideological and political lesson teaching.
文摘The paper deals with recent deviations from the shared values of con- stitutionalism towards a kind of ＇populist, illiberal constitutionalism＇ introduced by Hungary＇s new constitution in 2011. The populism of FIDESZ was directed against all elites, including the ones that designed the 1989 constitutional system （in which FIDESZ also participated）, claiming that it was time for a new revolution. This is why PM Viktor Orban characterized the results of the 2010 elections as a ＇revo- lution of the ballot boxes＇. His intention with this revolution was to eliminate all checks and balances, and even the parliamentary rotation of governing parties. His vision for a new constitutional order----one in which his political party occupies the centre stage of Hungarian political life and puts an end to debates over values has now been entrenched in the new constitution. The paper argues that this current Hungarian constitutional system was made possible by FIDESZ＇ anti-pluralist nationalist populism, but is not necessarily based on a true commitment to expressing the will of the people via ＇illiberal constitutionalism＇. The populist government rather misuses the country＇s lack of constitutional culture. Adherence to constitutional patriotism would mean that FIDESZ would have to endorse what John Rawls once called ＇constitutional essentials＇. The core of this kind of con- stitutional patriotism is a constitutional culture centred on universalist liberal democratic norms and values. Instead, the current Hungarian constitutional system is confronted with unconstitutional patriotism, a kind of nationalism that violates constitutional essentials in the name of ＇national constitutional identity＇.
文摘In the last three decades, the rise of a populist challenge to the liberal political mainstream exposed how shallow the supposed victory of global liberalism was, even in its heartlands in Europe and North America. Exclusive nationalism and nativism, identity politics, critiques of globaiisation and internationalism, and calls for democratic re-empowerment of the demos have converged politically on a new locus of inflated territorial, indeed ＇border＇ sovereignty, aligning the caU of ＇taking back control＇ on behalf of a radically re-defined community （＇we＇） with a defensive re-territorialisation of power along existing fault lines of nation-statism. In this paper, I argue that the very same call has become the new common political denominator for all populist platforms and parties across Europe. I argue that populists across the conventional left-fight divide have deployed a rigidly territo- rialised concept of popular sovereignty in order to bestow intellectual coherence and communicative power to the otherwise disparate strands of their anti-utopian cri- tiques of globalisation. In spite of significant ideological differences between so- called fight- and left-wing populism, in the short-term the two populist projects have sought to stage their performances of sovereigntism on, behind or inside the borders of the existing nation-states.
文摘Modernization gave birth to party politics, and party politics dominates modernization. Their correlation and interaction have been a major logic behind the evolution of human civilization since the beginning of modern times. The objectivity of China’s modernization gives rise to the historical inevitability of party politics, and its relevance to the Chinese nation and to the current time dictates that party politics should be socialist in China and that its development is an irreversible trend. In the Chinese revolution, in the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and in the modernization of China over the past century, to accomplish the historic task of national rejuvenation, Chinese socialist party politics has profoundly changed the course of Chinese history, making Chinese society strive for modernization and causing great changes in the contemporary world. During this process, Chinese socialist party politics has had a 'distinct fundamental value orientation,' followed 'the premise of essential theoretical guidance,' enjoyed 'dominant institutional support,' provided 'goal-oriented value guidance' and received a 'crucial political guarantee.' It has combined its own values with China’s modernization and played a leading role in this drive. It has pursued the most deep-seated values, demonstrated the most unique characteristics of practice, and made the most significant contribution to civilization. All this is a key element of the experience and theory of the interaction between modernization and Chinese socialist party politics. It also provides crucial support for and guides the value of strengthening the Communist Party of China(CPC) and modernizing China.
文摘Against the backdrop of the 19^th century, the First International, guided by Marxism, emerged in the form of the early ＂International Socialist Federation.＂ It viewed the seizure of power as the great mission of the proletariat, actively struggled against bourgeois regimes, strongly responded to the call of times for the theoretical self-consciousness and organized struggle of the proletariat, and exerted a profound historical influence on the stirring inauguration and nationally oriented development of the international Communist movement of the 20th century. From the socialist party political perspective, the First Intemational, once the Communist League, had raised the curtain on socialist party politics, changed the political mode of capitalist party politics＇ exclusive world domination through the interactive development of new organizational forms, theoretical viewpoints and political practice. It thus left an abundant historical legacy in terms of ideological creation and practical innovation for the subsequent Second International, the Communist International and the emergence and development of socialist party politics within nation-states. Although its socialist party political practice had an obvious ＂regional,＂ ＂preliminary＂ and ＂tentative＂ nature, the First International had foundation-laying significance and pioneering value for the development of socialist party politics, whether in terms of organizational vehicles, value orientation and activity content, or in terms of ideological guidance, practical patterns and strategic principles.
文摘Over the long history of political civilization,the 100 years of the party politics of socialist countries has emerged as a new form of politics.Exploration of the last 100 years of the party politics of socialist countries deals with the self-governance and national governance of Marxist ruling parties.It reflects intraparty relationships,interparty relationships,relationships between party and government and relationships between party and society,as well as foreign relations,and spans three historical periods,comprising the first establishment of party politics in Soviet Russia;the adoption of party rule in other countries,with concomitant setbacks;and the achievement by China,Vietnam and other countries of party political innovation and development.A review of the experience of the past hundred years shows that success in making party politics the basic system in socialist countries and in tapping its full potential is attributable to the efforts made by Marxist ruling parties to undertake fruitful theoretical reflection and grasp values,adhere to the truth and correct mistakes on the basis of exceptional strategic confidence and policy commitment,while constantly opening up new stages of theoretical understanding and practical development.The party politics of socialist countries in the 21 st century drives their modernization andcultivates and improves their practice.The union of the two in the magnificent historical process of the sustainable development of socialist institutional civilization will have major and far-reaching significance for building a brighter future for humanity.
文摘Recent liberal political science analysis has highlighted media, manipu- lation, and populist political trickery in the apparently sudden rise of the new Right in Europe and the USA. I suggest that a robust engagement with the actual social transformations over which liberalism has presided since 1989 is imperative. Anthropological work on class processes and the rise of neo-nationalist populism in Central and Eastern Europe has been strong in developing a more relational, pro- cessual, and embedded vision. In the current paper, I am looking at the phases and spaces of the rise of iUiberalism as a popular political sensibility in Central and Eastern Europe. In particular, I am interested in its gradual upscaling to the level of the nation state and, through the ＂Visegrad bloc＂ to the EU. I argue that both the emergence and step-by-step upscaling of illiberal political sensibilities are explained by class relational processes and the regionally uneven Polanyi-type ＂counter- movements＂ against liberalizations that they brought forth.
文摘Over the past 30 years, Chinese society has undergone an enormous social transition. Along with the rise of a private economy, private business owners have emerged as a new social stratum, which attracts academic attention domestically and internationally. As for the social origins of the private business owners, some of the private business owners are former cadres and current members of the Chinese Communist Party（CCP）. A question rarely pursued is what effects these ties have on political participation of＂ private business owners. The paper explores this question on the basis of data gathered in a representative survey of private enterprises in 2006. The study shows that the Chinese private business owners have diverse social origins, and their behavior in terms of political participation is also distinct in some ways. When it comes to the patterns of political participation of the private business owners, CCP members and former officials among private business owners indeed have unique characteristics in their access to political resources, but the patterns of political participation vary between these two groups. Furthermore, there are also considerable differences between members of the CCP and democratic parties in China in these respects. These findings cast doubt on the common use of CCP membership and occupational experience as cadre as interchangeable indicators for the ＂political capital＂ of business owners. A more differentiated understanding of the nature of political capital and mechanisms by which it is put to use by private entrepreneurs in China is called for.
文摘During the past decades, while the Chinese Communist Party （CCP） has continued to consolidate its political leadership and refused to tolerate any opposition parties, intra-party democracy has been emphasized repeatedly and expanded vigorously by Chinese Communist leaders as an alternative to electoral democracy or liberal democracy characterized by multiparty competition. Various democratic experiments have been conducted and many democratic elements introduced at all levels in the CCP. Although the growth of intra-party democracy is limited, these great efforts and achievements have profound implications for China＇s democratic future. The growth of intra-party democracy not only reflects the CCP＇s continuous efforts to institutionalize the rules of elite politics and fight against widespread corruption, but might also provide a good approach for political transition to democracy with Chinese characteristics in the future.
文摘GENERAL FALLS FROM GRACEGuo Boxiong,a former military leader,was expelled from the Communist Party of China（CPC）for taking bribes on July 30.The Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee also decided to transfer his case to military prosecutors.Guo,73,served as vice chairman of the Central Military Commission（CMC）from 2002to 2012.
