台湾“民主政治”的异质化论析

刚刚起步的台湾“民主政治”在某些政治人物的操弄下被严重扭曲而发生异化,“统独争议”转移政治主题,“民粹政治”漠视民意,公平正义迷失,逐步偏离民主政治的正轨,走上了一条危险的发展道路。台湾的政治生态至今仍未完成由族群对立的、社会撕裂的、非理性的“形式民主”和“身份民主”向“共识性民主”的转换,这在相当大程度上给台湾社会带来了人为的切割与损害。至少在很长一段时期内,我们还很难看到台湾发展出健康有序、具有包容性的“协商政治”机制来。

全球化背景下的“民主政治化”剖析

全球化给人类政治生活所产生的影响是双重的:它既促进了全球政治民主化进程的深化和发展,又使少数世界强权、霸权国家利用全球化,把"民主政治化",形成政治民主化与"民主政治化"的全球化悖论。本文用辩证法的观点和方法着重剖析了"民主政治化"产生的原因、表现及其实质。

政治民主化与“民主政治化”:全球化的悖论

政治民主化与"民主政治化"是经济全球化在政治领域发展而形成的全球化悖论。政治民主化冲击着专制政体,推动了整个社会民主化进程,提高了人类整体政治文明的程度;"民主政治化"则成为少数强权国家以输出民主为借口,干涉别国内政,实质是新干涉主义。因此,如何应对这一悖论是目前发展中国家的重要议题。

“民主”政治下的黑金交易

时下,在台湾一出“国安局”泄密案的闹剧被炒得沸沸扬扬。所谓“国安局”泄密案原本是一起“案中案”,负案在逃中的原“国安局”上校出纳组长刘冠军新近突然抛出“重磅炸弹”,揭露李登辉在当政期间,利用“国安局”的秘密帐户,设立黑金达35亿之巨,主要用于“金钱外交”和收买国外政要,包括现任国防部长拉姆斯菲尔德在内的一大批美国大腕政要,都在黑金受贿的名单上。

美国当前联合国安理会改革政策分析

本文从美国安理会改革政策的理论依据、政策目标的考量以及美国将安理会改革作为对外政策的手段三个方面分析了美国对安理会改革的政策。美国对联合国安理会改革的政策以效力原则为理论依据,一方面限制安理会扩大的规模,另一方面又积极支持日本等特定国家"入常"。美国国内对于是维持安理会组成的现状,还是通过增加发达国家和"民主国家"在安理会的席位扩大"民主阵营"存在激烈的争论。在推动改革的多种力量并存的情况下,美国已经加强了候选国的"民主"标准。同时,美国又利用对候选国的区别支持政策,服务于双边关系和战略部署。

Democracy on the Road toward the Rule of Law Started from Umbrella Movement

This paper had started its words from the hot current Umbrella Movement in Hongkong, with putting forward the questions that ＂ What is the democracy？ ＂ and ＂ How should the democracy develop？ ＂ . And then, it had reviewed the historical development of the concept of democracy, on that basis, it had explored the socialist democratic system in China and analyzed the dilemmas in the construction of socialist democracy. And it gave the responses to questions in the beginning of the article and explained the reasons in details. At the last, some notes on the construction of democracy in China＇ s journey toward rule of law were written in this article.

Hypotheses of ＂Harmonious Man＂： The Humanity Upgrade of Management and It＇s Sustainability Significance

Hypotheses of humanity is the logical premise and foundation of institution design and perfect. ＂Political man＂ had boosted the sprout of ancient democracy polity, ＂economic man＂ has accelerated the development of market economy in immediate and modern times, ＂free man＂ described the blueprint of future society, and ＂harmonious man＂ will promote the construction of harmonious society and the development of management to conducting oneself so as to serve others. The article explains the theory headstream, abstract ways, basic intension and sustainability effect to the hypotheses of＂harmonious man＂.

Extremist Politics as an Instrument of Ethnic Assertions among the Bodos of Northeast India

Ethnic assertions worldwide have assumed different forms ranging from moderate methods of articulation of autonomy to extremist means of violent struggle. Resort to extremism by some sections of an ethnic group usually triggers inter-ethnic conflicts with other groups on the one hand and leads to confrontation with the state on the other. This paper seeks to examine the dynamics of this phenomenon in the context of Bodos, the largest plains tribe of Assam, a State of Northeast India. The paper enquires as to whether extremist politics has met the Bodo aspirations for self-determination or has intensified the conflicts and contradictions within the Bodo society with ramifications for other ethnic groups inhabiting the Bodo-dominated areas. It is also necessary to explore the responses of the Union and State governments to Bodo extremist politics for an understanding of the conflict management process.

Is a Human Right to Democracy Justifiable？

In this article, I examine the view that there is a human right to democracy, and consider why we should regard this issue as decisive in solving the problems of foreign interference in the protection of human rights. I also note that there has been almost no discussion about the holder of the human right to democracy, that is, who is to hold this right. After comparing John Rawls＇ argument against the human right to democracy and Thomas Christiano＇s argument for it and showing similarities and critical differences among their arguments, I insist that we ought to be sensitive when proclaiming that democracy--be it a minimally egalitarian democracy or a more exacting one--is a universal value. We have sufficient cause to consider carefully not only the political circumstances but also the political infrastructure of the country before we proceed to an even limited intervention in the name of the protection of a human right to democracy. If the human right to democracy is not just a right to vote, but a right to the whole process of establishment and enjoyment of democracy, it should be understood as a group right that pertains to a human population that legitimately claims political self-determination. Any human population that insists on the democratic self-determination of their political will is both able and entitled to establish and administer democratic institutions, regardless of the diversity of its ascribed or cultural characteristics. The establishment of such a group with a firm political identity should be considered as the political infrastructure to claim and exercise the human right to democracy.

It Can＇t Be Like It Used to Be： Informality as a Contagion of Democratization in American Culture

The authors＇ purpose is to illustrate that counter cultures follow changes in democracy. While allowing more political freedom for individuals, such freedom is expressed by overtaking those rules, taboos, and mores that previously were followed when the minorities lacked that freedom. Changes occur in such topics as sexual mores, aesthetic appreciation of music, and the media. Beginning in the 1950s, American culture has changed dramatically because of changes in polities and the media. While not suggesting that this is good or bad, the authors profess that it is inevitable.

Postcolonialism and Socio-political Development in Africa： Learning Through the Literary Eyes of Ngugi Wa Thiong＇O

This study presents the fact that the relationship between the white colonialists and the black indigenous population threw up a myriad of socio-political cross fertilization in Africa. The way and manner the Whites related with the Black people, the levels of reactions and response of the black population to the invading socio-political values and standards during the colonial era has been the subject of interesting writings in Africa. Of significance in this class of writing in Kenya is Ngugi Wa Thiong＇O＇s works. His profound sympathy with his people in their weaknesses, their poverty in the socio-political development in Kenya, and particularly his hatred of exploitation, cruelty, and injustice are noteworthy. It is the thrust of this work to critically look at the socio-political change in postcolonial Kenya through the literary eyes of Ngugi in his remarkable and compelling work, Petals of Blood （1977）, with a view to establish the contributions of the work to real socio-political development in Kenya through the approaches of textual criticism, interpretation, and post-colonial theory. Thus, the study examines the socio-political development in postcolonial Kenyan society, the lifestyle of people, and the relationships that exist among Kenyan citizens, especially between the rich and the poor, the government （ruling class）, and the governed （masses）. It also establishes the basis for the continued prevalence of the themes of violence, corruption, injustice, disillusionment, decadence, and disintegration in contemporary Kenyan literature, in spite of the transformation and change in the socio-political setting of the State.

Rights and Disagreement

Constitutionally protected rights remove political issues from the control of the democratically elected legislature. Since such rights therefore limit the power of the majority, recent work in rights theory argues that the constitutional protection of rights is inconsistent with the fundamental democratic idea of government by the people. According to this view, democracies should assign the power to resolve questions regarding the nature and extent of individual rights to the majority. Constitutional attempts to remove such questions from the public agenda, it is argued, are disrespectful to citizens who disagree with the views embodied in the constitutionalized rights. I argue that this critique： （1） is insufficiently attentive to the question of when legislation by the majority constitutes a legitimate exercise of political power; and （2） underestimates the importance of securing the constitutive conditions of democratic self-government.

The Environmental Democracy under Political Siege in Turkey

On June 24th, 2018, President Tayyip Erdogan, along with his pro-Islamic party, the Justice and Development Pazty, AKP, won the general election in Turkey, which will enable Mr. Erdogan to be a one-man ruler of the Republic of Turkey in the foreseeable future. Now, invested with infinite executive-presidential power, coupled with having complete control of the military, cabinet, judiciary and legislative branches, enables Mr. Erdogan to pursue his ambition to be a “nuclea3： power leader” in the Sunni Islamic world. The scientific denialism in general and environmental science, in particular, will reach a whole new level of insanity in Turkey where any conceivable environmental democracy will be abolished. The new government will further change the education establishment in every level and implement its anti-science political doctrines in which logic is an enemy and scientific truth is a menace. The last fifteen years of experience show that the AKP＇s politicians have become anti-science zealots who preach a dangerously new political cultism that is devoid of actual facts, if it does not fit their religious aberration narrative, Thus, virtually every aspect of the nuclear power program in Turkey will be a state secret under the control of one religiously motivated and driven ruler and this, should certainly sound alarm bells across the globe.

Democratic Barricades： The Presence of Radio in the Resistance to the 1964 Military Coup

This paper articulates two great discussions within the history of this country： the discussions about the circumstances prior to the military coup and the role of the radio media in the political context of the conflict. Individually, each of these aspects will allow us a reflection over different points of view here articulated in a sociocultural approach. We have, thus, organized this discussion based on two main themes. We will start with the ＂Campanha da Legalidade＂ （Campaign for Legality）, the occasion which congregates both themes, and then we will discuss both the historical context of the 1964 military coup and the role of the radio media and its strong social and political presence.

Polish Media 22 Years After Socio-Political Breakthrough The Road to Professionalization and Democratization

Over two decades have passed by since Poland took the course of democratic changes. In the early 1990s the press sector was re-established as a consequence of de-monopolization and has been taken over by foreigners. The electronle media sector has been restricted for 15 years and foreign companies could only have one third of the ownership. The complexity of Polish media system reflects the long way from communism and governmental media towards free democratized market with some remnants of the previous era. It is hard to predict when it will be shaped in a brand new way and if it is generally possible.

A Postmodern Study of Doris Lessing＇s The Golden Notebook in the Light of Jean-Francois Lyotard＇s Ideas

In the first two-thirds of The Golden Notebook （1962）, the theme of the crack-up or breakdown is elaborated in the novels representation of national and global politics. Soviet-inspired communism, European colonialism and emperialism, Britain society, and national liberation struggles in the Third World are disintegrating, collapsing, crumbling, and fragmenting, under the pressures both internal and external. The last third of the novel relocates the crack-up in the person, [...], of Anna herself. In this paper, the author attempts to show that L The Golden Notebook on the central theme of ＂Breakdown, Fragmentation, and Disintegration＂, essing has written which shows that sometimes when people ＂crack-up＂, it is a way of self-healing. This theme finds an expression in the novel and this paper shows how Anna Wulf, the protagonist, tries to deal with her inner self-divisions, what part is played by each of Anna＇s four notebooks in her struggle to integrate her fragmented inner world and personality, what enables the notebooks to come together in the golden notebook at the end of the novel, and finally, how about her relationships to others, especially to Saul Green, contribute to her ＂crack-up＂ and ＂self-healing＂

Governance and Good Governance： A New Framework for Political Analysis

In a time of great change, accelerating globalization and increasing uncertainty, all countries, whether developed or developing, are searching for a new form of governance that is better adapted to the times so as to gain an advantage in economic competitiveness and create substantial and sustainable social growth. As governance theory is becoming the dominant political theory in response to the change, the values backing the discourse and texts consistent with them have helped revise the theory of government in mainstream politics and were agreed upon by global politicians, scholars, officials and entrepreneurs. When we comprehend governance theory based on the practice of public administration in China, it strikes us how theoretically and practically important governance theory is for rebuilding the intellectual system of China＇ s democratic politics, searching for an institutional platform for good governance, transforming the public policy-making model and getting rid of the practice in public administration in the process of market-oriented development that is inefficient, or even falls in many ways.

Upscaling Illiberalism： Class, Contradiction, and the Rise and Rise of the Populist Right in Post- socialist Central Europe

Recent liberal political science analysis has highlighted media, manipu- lation, and populist political trickery in the apparently sudden rise of the new Right in Europe and the USA. I suggest that a robust engagement with the actual social transformations over which liberalism has presided since 1989 is imperative. Anthropological work on class processes and the rise of neo-nationalist populism in Central and Eastern Europe has been strong in developing a more relational, pro- cessual, and embedded vision. In the current paper, I am looking at the phases and spaces of the rise of iUiberalism as a popular political sensibility in Central and Eastern Europe. In particular, I am interested in its gradual upscaling to the level of the nation state and, through the ＂Visegrad bloc＂ to the EU. I argue that both the emergence and step-by-step upscaling of illiberal political sensibilities are explained by class relational processes and the regionally uneven Polanyi-type ＂counter- movements＂ against liberalizations that they brought forth.

Populism and Political Party Institutionalisation in the Three Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania

The three Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania make for interesting comparative case studies in the rise of contemporary populism in Europe. All three countries share a similar modem history, democratic political system, level of economic development and are in the same western-oriented regional clubs （NATO, European Union, OSCE, European Council and, in the case of Estonia and Latvia, OECD, etc.）. However, they do differ in the extent to which populism has played a role in their national politics. Populism has played a marginal role in Estonian politics, but has long been central to the Latvian party system and influential in Lithuanian politics. This article tackles two key issues in the study of populism. First, it focuses on political party institutionalisation as the key variable in explaining the differing impact of populist political parties across the Baltic states. It examines and explains the higher turnover of political party creation and destruction in Latvia and, to a lesser extent, Lithuania and argues that institutions--and par- ticularly the laws that frame party organisations and participation in elections-- create political opportunities for populist parties. The second part of the paper considers the different types of populist parties to have emerged in the Baltic states in recent decades. While previous studies of populism in the Baltic states （such as Auers and Kasekamp in J Contemp Eur Stud 17（2）：241-254, 2009; Auers and Kasekamp, in： Wodak et al （eds） Right wing populism across/beyond Europe, Bloomsbury Academic Press, London 2013） have explicitly focused on Radical Right Populist parties, this article additionally identifies a number of parties in the region that are not explicitly radical right, but are certainly populist.