Over two decades have passed by since Poland took the course of democratic changes. In the early 1990s the press sector was re-established as a consequence of de-monopolization and has been taken over by foreigners. T...Over two decades have passed by since Poland took the course of democratic changes. In the early 1990s the press sector was re-established as a consequence of de-monopolization and has been taken over by foreigners. The electronle media sector has been restricted for 15 years and foreign companies could only have one third of the ownership. The complexity of Polish media system reflects the long way from communism and governmental media towards free democratized market with some remnants of the previous era. It is hard to predict when it will be shaped in a brand new way and if it is generally possible.展开更多
This paper articulates two great discussions within the history of this country： the discussions about the circumstances prior to the military coup and the role of the radio media in the political context of the conf...This paper articulates two great discussions within the history of this country： the discussions about the circumstances prior to the military coup and the role of the radio media in the political context of the conflict. Individually, each of these aspects will allow us a reflection over different points of view here articulated in a sociocultural approach. We have, thus, organized this discussion based on two main themes. We will start with the ＂Campanha da Legalidade＂ （Campaign for Legality）, the occasion which congregates both themes, and then we will discuss both the historical context of the 1964 military coup and the role of the radio media and its strong social and political presence.展开更多
In this article, I examine the view that there is a human right to democracy, and consider why we should regard this issue as decisive in solving the problems of foreign interference in the protection of human rights....In this article, I examine the view that there is a human right to democracy, and consider why we should regard this issue as decisive in solving the problems of foreign interference in the protection of human rights. I also note that there has been almost no discussion about the holder of the human right to democracy, that is, who is to hold this right. After comparing John Rawls＇ argument against the human right to democracy and Thomas Christiano＇s argument for it and showing similarities and critical differences among their arguments, I insist that we ought to be sensitive when proclaiming that democracy--be it a minimally egalitarian democracy or a more exacting one--is a universal value. We have sufficient cause to consider carefully not only the political circumstances but also the political infrastructure of the country before we proceed to an even limited intervention in the name of the protection of a human right to democracy. If the human right to democracy is not just a right to vote, but a right to the whole process of establishment and enjoyment of democracy, it should be understood as a group right that pertains to a human population that legitimately claims political self-determination. Any human population that insists on the democratic self-determination of their political will is both able and entitled to establish and administer democratic institutions, regardless of the diversity of its ascribed or cultural characteristics. The establishment of such a group with a firm political identity should be considered as the political infrastructure to claim and exercise the human right to democracy.展开更多
In a time of great change, accelerating globalization and increasing uncertainty, all countries, whether developed or developing, are searching for a new form of governance that is better adapted to the times so as to...In a time of great change, accelerating globalization and increasing uncertainty, all countries, whether developed or developing, are searching for a new form of governance that is better adapted to the times so as to gain an advantage in economic competitiveness and create substantial and sustainable social growth. As governance theory is becoming the dominant political theory in response to the change, the values backing the discourse and texts consistent with them have helped revise the theory of government in mainstream politics and were agreed upon by global politicians, scholars, officials and entrepreneurs. When we comprehend governance theory based on the practice of public administration in China, it strikes us how theoretically and practically important governance theory is for rebuilding the intellectual system of China＇ s democratic politics, searching for an institutional platform for good governance, transforming the public policy-making model and getting rid of the practice in public administration in the process of market-oriented development that is inefficient, or even falls in many ways.展开更多
Using the method of purpositive sampling,this research makes an empirical study on the relationship between the schooling for education and democratic qualities of public high school students in Beijing.The results sh...Using the method of purpositive sampling,this research makes an empirical study on the relationship between the schooling for education and democratic qualities of public high school students in Beijing.The results show that the democratic qualities of the students in public high school of Beijing are better as a whole,but they are still lack of democratic knowledge and abilities,etc.The results of correlation analysis,multiple regression analysis and independent-samples T test show that there are four different kinds of relationships between the schooling for education and democratic qualities of students.Firstly,there is little distinct correlation between school reputation and democratic knowledge,attitude and abilities of students.Secondly,there is little distinct correlation between prospective achievement and democratic knowledge and attitude of students,but have a large correlation with the democratic abilities of students(P<.001).Thirdly,there is a large correlation between teaching and democratic knowledge,attitude and abilities of students(P<.001).Lastly,there is a large correlation between activities participation and democratic knowledge,attitude and abilities of students(P<.001)展开更多
The tradition of the west defines its modernity as a radical rupture with endless possibilities for egalitarian futures; yet western modernity was rooted in the genocide of indigenous populations, transatlantic racial...The tradition of the west defines its modernity as a radical rupture with endless possibilities for egalitarian futures; yet western modernity was rooted in the genocide of indigenous populations, transatlantic racial slavery and colonialism. Moreover, as the war on terror demonstrates, racial/gender violence continues to be linked to the formation of western identity, culture and politics in the early twenty-first century. This paper examines how the histories of race and coloniality feature in the contemporary formation of the west, with a particular focus on US nationalism and Canadian multiculturalism. These nation-states are most often defined as antithetical, with the latter confirming that western society has transcended its originary racial/colonial politics. I begin with a brief discussion of the reformation of the west in the mid-twentieth century as the USA became the dominant western power. I then move to compare the contemporary national politics of the USA and Canada to highlight the divergence and convergence in their ddineation of their identity and values. My study demonstrates that although the white supremacist discourse that presently constitutes US nationalism is at variance with the multi- culturalism that shapes Canadian identity, these discourses can be defined as twin aspects of the racial/colonial politics that continue to give meaning to the idea of the west.展开更多
文摘Over two decades have passed by since Poland took the course of democratic changes. In the early 1990s the press sector was re-established as a consequence of de-monopolization and has been taken over by foreigners. The electronle media sector has been restricted for 15 years and foreign companies could only have one third of the ownership. The complexity of Polish media system reflects the long way from communism and governmental media towards free democratized market with some remnants of the previous era. It is hard to predict when it will be shaped in a brand new way and if it is generally possible.
文摘This paper articulates two great discussions within the history of this country： the discussions about the circumstances prior to the military coup and the role of the radio media in the political context of the conflict. Individually, each of these aspects will allow us a reflection over different points of view here articulated in a sociocultural approach. We have, thus, organized this discussion based on two main themes. We will start with the ＂Campanha da Legalidade＂ （Campaign for Legality）, the occasion which congregates both themes, and then we will discuss both the historical context of the 1964 military coup and the role of the radio media and its strong social and political presence.
文摘In this article, I examine the view that there is a human right to democracy, and consider why we should regard this issue as decisive in solving the problems of foreign interference in the protection of human rights. I also note that there has been almost no discussion about the holder of the human right to democracy, that is, who is to hold this right. After comparing John Rawls＇ argument against the human right to democracy and Thomas Christiano＇s argument for it and showing similarities and critical differences among their arguments, I insist that we ought to be sensitive when proclaiming that democracy--be it a minimally egalitarian democracy or a more exacting one--is a universal value. We have sufficient cause to consider carefully not only the political circumstances but also the political infrastructure of the country before we proceed to an even limited intervention in the name of the protection of a human right to democracy. If the human right to democracy is not just a right to vote, but a right to the whole process of establishment and enjoyment of democracy, it should be understood as a group right that pertains to a human population that legitimately claims political self-determination. Any human population that insists on the democratic self-determination of their political will is both able and entitled to establish and administer democratic institutions, regardless of the diversity of its ascribed or cultural characteristics. The establishment of such a group with a firm political identity should be considered as the political infrastructure to claim and exercise the human right to democracy.
文摘In a time of great change, accelerating globalization and increasing uncertainty, all countries, whether developed or developing, are searching for a new form of governance that is better adapted to the times so as to gain an advantage in economic competitiveness and create substantial and sustainable social growth. As governance theory is becoming the dominant political theory in response to the change, the values backing the discourse and texts consistent with them have helped revise the theory of government in mainstream politics and were agreed upon by global politicians, scholars, officials and entrepreneurs. When we comprehend governance theory based on the practice of public administration in China, it strikes us how theoretically and practically important governance theory is for rebuilding the intellectual system of China＇ s democratic politics, searching for an institutional platform for good governance, transforming the public policy-making model and getting rid of the practice in public administration in the process of market-oriented development that is inefficient, or even falls in many ways.
文摘Using the method of purpositive sampling,this research makes an empirical study on the relationship between the schooling for education and democratic qualities of public high school students in Beijing.The results show that the democratic qualities of the students in public high school of Beijing are better as a whole,but they are still lack of democratic knowledge and abilities,etc.The results of correlation analysis,multiple regression analysis and independent-samples T test show that there are four different kinds of relationships between the schooling for education and democratic qualities of students.Firstly,there is little distinct correlation between school reputation and democratic knowledge,attitude and abilities of students.Secondly,there is little distinct correlation between prospective achievement and democratic knowledge and attitude of students,but have a large correlation with the democratic abilities of students(P<.001).Thirdly,there is a large correlation between teaching and democratic knowledge,attitude and abilities of students(P<.001).Lastly,there is a large correlation between activities participation and democratic knowledge,attitude and abilities of students(P<.001)
文摘The tradition of the west defines its modernity as a radical rupture with endless possibilities for egalitarian futures; yet western modernity was rooted in the genocide of indigenous populations, transatlantic racial slavery and colonialism. Moreover, as the war on terror demonstrates, racial/gender violence continues to be linked to the formation of western identity, culture and politics in the early twenty-first century. This paper examines how the histories of race and coloniality feature in the contemporary formation of the west, with a particular focus on US nationalism and Canadian multiculturalism. These nation-states are most often defined as antithetical, with the latter confirming that western society has transcended its originary racial/colonial politics. I begin with a brief discussion of the reformation of the west in the mid-twentieth century as the USA became the dominant western power. I then move to compare the contemporary national politics of the USA and Canada to highlight the divergence and convergence in their ddineation of their identity and values. My study demonstrates that although the white supremacist discourse that presently constitutes US nationalism is at variance with the multi- culturalism that shapes Canadian identity, these discourses can be defined as twin aspects of the racial/colonial politics that continue to give meaning to the idea of the west.
