The Root Cause of the Failure of American COVID-19 Governance Based on the Criticism of Liberal Democracy From Error-Tolerant Democracy

Liberal democracy cannot help America govern COVID-19 effectively for liberalism’s misunderstanding of the concept of liberty.Error-tolerantism divides liberty into the right to liberty in innovative fields,the right to be wrong as an original right,and the right to be right in non-innovative ones as sub-rights;rights come from mutual empowerment among people.The major defects of liberal democracy from the perspective of error-tolerant democracy constructed on error-tolerantism are as follows:The essence of election is to transfer people’s right to be wrong and corresponding right to be right to politicians,but the separation and balance of powers does not evaluate whether presidents,states,mayors,et al.,have exercised the power to be wrong reasonably,so that they could even abuse it in the COVID-19 governance,and did great harm to people’s human rights without any accountability or impeachment.Democratic governor’power to be wrong authorized by election was deprived by President Trump through issuing false information in the COVID-19 governance and encouraging people to protest against the anti-pandemic laws,which made liberal democracy in the United States threatened and COVID-19 out of control.

A Prerequisite for the Successful Governance of COVID-19 in the United States:Expansion of Liberal Democracy From Politics to Economy

The failure of COVID-19 governance in the United States of America is closely related to its economic inequality.According to the theory of error-tolerant democracy,after reflecting on the American financial crisis of 2008,liberty should be redefined from mutual empowerment under the background of regulation,which means that rights to liberty of entrepreneurs and financial capitalists in the public economy are empowered by the people,so they should empower and benefit the people,corresponding to regulation and redistribution respectively.During the COVID-19 pandemic,empowering and benefiting the people regarded as economic democracy has not been realized for neoliberal policies,leading to insufficient public funds to help citizens badly hurt by the disease.To restore the U.S.as the beacon of democracy,it should undertake the historical mission:expansion of liberal democracy from politics to economy so as to reduce unreasonable economic inequality and protect rights to life of more infected Americans.

Toward a Security Community in Asia? The Limits of Constructivism, Developmental Statism, Liberalism, and Realism

This article asks whether a regional security community has emerged in Asia with the potential to grow mature and seeks to make a contribution to the ongoing debate on this controversial topic.It advances the argument that states in this broad region are far from being able to develop a security community for reasons different from those provided by political realists,developmental statists,liberals,and constructivists(social,discursive,and emancipationist).The role of Association of Southeast Asia(ASEAN)and that of China provide excellent test cases for the theoretical proposition that the building of a successful regional security community requires at least two necessary conditions:liberal democracy and regional democratic leadership,which remain absent in Asia.

Analysis and Commentary on Mao Zedong’s Views on Women’s Liberation in His Early Manuscripts

The Mao Zedong Zao Qi Wen Gao[Early Manuscripts of Mao Zedong]is a collection of young Mao Zedong’s manuscripts from 1912 to 1920 and is a record of his growth during his youth.It is worth mentioning that the views of women’s liberation and progress have a place in Mao Zedong’s early manuscripts.This study focuses on reviewing and discussing the motivation behind young Mao Zedong’s attention to women’s liberation and progress issues,his relevant views in these manuscripts,and how these views played a role in his growth into a Marxist.This study aims to explore,from the perspective of women’s studies,the thought basis and virtues that led young Mao Zedong to become a Marxist.

A Chinese Solution Multiparty cooperation and political consultation provide a new way to view democracy

On March 4, President Xi Jinping, also General Secretary of the Communist Party of China （CPC） Central Committee, attended a joint panel discussion with political advisors from the China Democratic League and the China Zhi Gong Party, those without party affiliation and those from the sector of returned over seas Chinese.

新文科背景下中国语言学学科的承继与发展

中国语言学自先秦以来,不仅取得丰硕的成果,而且形成独特的研究传统。近现代之后,中国语言学逐步转型,学科细分所致的新的研究态势已经不能适应新时代新文科要求。中国语言学需要在承继优良学术传统的基础上,面向人工智能和数字技术,走“大语言学”发展之路。

文明发展视野中的女性教育

从终身教育的视角,女性一生可划分为五个阶段:女婴、女童、女生、母亲、祖母。女性在教育中的地位包括自身所受的教育和对后代的教育,这两方面是不可分割的。探究女性从出生到晚年每阶段“生命周期的健康密码”,能更深刻地认识女性教育与文明发展的关系。东西方女性观的差异,产生了不同的教育体系、社会价值判断和审美导向。女性在哲学殿堂中的地位是妇女解放的学术尺度,也是哲学繁荣解放的天然尺度。21世纪的女性研究和妇女解放运动,应该在多元文化对话中创造和谐发展的女性新世界、人类新文明。

秦汉·天谴观念的兴亡——漫步地震五千年(5)

天谴观是在远古“天人合一”哲学思想上发展起来的,视灾异为上天对施政失道的谴责警告。这种观念的内涵是不断变化的,它没有探讨自然界的客观规律,仅在客观上起到调节社会矛盾的作用。早期为君臣提供了谏言善治的机会,君王则以控制信息、自省罪己来处置。中期演变成查撤高官、官场倾轧的手段。清朝则将地震的发生与文字狱结合起来,变成维护统治、镇压百姓的工具,最后随着封建社会一起走向灭亡。坚持科学与民主,是社会发展的必由之路。

“历史的终结”及其理想的社会——兼论黑格尔、福山与马克思的“历史终结”观

自由民主制是“历史的终结”,是福山的核心观点。福山认为“历史的终结”指的是历史的方向性问题,强调自由民主作为价值目标的合理性,基于此,他相信黑格尔和马克思都主张历史会终结。世界历史无非是自由的实现史,是黑格尔、福山和马克思共享的历史思想。然而,他们对“终结”历史的理想社会的构想不同,自由国家、共产主义和自由民主制相继被其视为历史的最高阶段。福山对自由民主在何种意义上“终结”历史的表述模糊,混淆了自由民主理念和自由民主模式的区别。

讲好中国民主故事:全过程人民民主国际传播方法与内容

百年未有之大变局为中国话语崛起提供了新的历史机遇,全过程人民民主作为中国本土原创性政治话语,其国际传播是建构中国政治文明话语权的关键一步。目前,中西方意识形态长期二元对立、西方垄断民主界定和解释权以及国际舆论场格局的西强东弱是全过程人民民主相关理念和成果在国际上得到广泛传播的现实阻碍。基于此,建构全过程人民民主国际话语体系和叙事体系,是实现全过程人民民主自主性诉求的重要前提。研究发现,基于叙事学视角,从大历史观出发,可以从古代中国传统民本主义故事、近代中国民主传播发展故事、现代中国民主文明建设故事、全球中国国际关系民主故事四个维度建构全过程人民民主故事体系,以推动全过程人民民主理念真正迈向全球。

“历史终结论”的终结之路——三十年的批判与展望

自弗朗西斯·福山提出“历史终结论”以来,学术界的批判之声不绝如缕,形成了较为丰富的研究文献。梳理这些文献,发现对福山“历史终结论”的批判主要从理论和实践两个维度展开。理论层面的批判多集中于“历史终结论”的立论前提、论证过程、最终结论,进而指出其内在困境;实践层面的批判主要从中国特色社会主义发展现实、资本主义现状、福山本人思想变化等方面证伪其理论。回顾“历史终结论”的批判图景,有助于洞悉福山作出该结论的实质,透视其理论观点的真实面目,领悟占领舆论制高点和国际话语权的时代价值,阐释新时代中国特色社会主义的世界意义,为全面建设社会主义现代化国家注入更多战略定力,为人类实现现代化贡献中国智慧和中国方案。

新民主主义革命时期毛泽东的传统文化观探微——基于三个经典文本的考察

互文性地考察《湖南农民运动考察报告》《论新阶段》《新民主主义论》三个文本,可以看出新民主主义革命时期毛泽东对传统文化的认知有一个不断发展的历史演进过程,在这一历史演进过程中他对于唯物史观的应用逐渐趋于成熟。毛泽东在《湖南农民运动考察报告》中运用唯物史观对农民文化问题的分析是他运用马克思主义的方法分析文化问题的初步尝试;在《论新阶段》的报告中提出的对待传统文化的基本态度则表明他的传统文化观趋于成熟;在《新民主主义论》一文中,毛泽东对文化问题进行了大量的论述,这些论述表明他的传统文化观达到了全新的理论自觉高度。

Solving the Century Problem“Modern Transformation of China’s Traditional Confucianism”—A Mistake-Tolerant Democracy Perspective

The reason why Chinese scholars cannot bridge between Confucianism and democracy as a century problem since 1920s is that liberal democracy has two fundamental defects:Human beings born with wisdom have known rights before entering societies,which is contrary to Confucianism;separation between politics and religions has led to religious ceremony of confession far away from politics.Mistake-tolerant democracy whose right theory is the right to trial and error as an original right and mutual empowerment theory can overcome above defects.Liberty is divided into the right to trial and error as an original right in innovative fields which can be transferred by contract and unalienable liberties in non-innovative ones.The spirit and behavior of self-criticism to people like confession is a virtue which meets Confucian moral requirements of becoming a Saint and politician’s obligation required in mistake-tolerant democracy,which can solve the century problem at utmost.

Why Democracy is Its Own Worst Enemy？

The challenges that lay ahead for democracy are so serious that few political scientists have the courage to risk theirreputation and pin down with relative accuracy what will happen on a 5/10/15 year basis. As a matter of fact, whenthe term ＂democracy＂ and ＂enemy＂ is used in the same sentence there＇s a natural and immediate tendency---forthose who are lucky enough to live in electoral democracies---to look over the fence and not to our own backyard.That is to say, democracy＇s enemies, our enemies, are some sort of mythological creatures that live far away fi＇omour perfect democratic bubble. This reasoning can be in part seen in the on-going debate about democracy＇sstruggle against its external enemies. During the Cold War period democracy was at ＂war＂ with communism and,before that, with national-socialism and fascism. Currently, democracy faces new enemies： global authoritarianism,international terrorism, religious extremism, and Islamic fundamentalism. This thoughtfulness is only partly true.At least it＇s not the only reason why we are debating this matter today. According to this paper, and that＇s preciselypart of the problem, democracy is to some extent its own worst enemy. Why？ Because most of the issues that we＇redebating today are the result of a certain apathy and disentanglement of liberal democracies around the world in thelast decade.

西方自由民主的理论张力与实践落差

西方自由民主的理论张力源于学界对古希腊直接民主思想和近代自由主义的不同理解以及对法治、多数统治和自由与平等三项原则的价值取舍,由此派生出不同的民主模式之争。法治民主、精英民主和多元民主模式属于自由民主理论的概念范畴,这些模式满足于形式上的政治平等,不强调根本改变经济和社会资源的不平等分配。参与民主、审议民主和社群民主等西方非主流观点则认为只有实现经济平等或培植共同体意识,才有可能实现真正的政治平等。从西方国家对不同政府制度和政党制度的采纳,可以看到对上述民主原则和自由民主不同模式的价值偏好。但许多奉行新自由主义的民主国家未能解决日益恶化的贫富分化问题,反映出经济自由主义与政治平等主义的内在冲突。