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第一次世界大战到新政初期美国的合作自由主义 被引量:1
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作者 韩铁 《历史研究》 1988年第6期159-173,共15页
美国企业界与政府的关系,是研究美国国家垄断资本主义发展的重大课题之一。近年来我国史学界从历史的角度对美国资本主义进行了比较深入的研究,将注意力集中于国家在现代美国社会经济生活的作用上,对富兰克林·罗斯福总统以来历届... 美国企业界与政府的关系,是研究美国国家垄断资本主义发展的重大课题之一。近年来我国史学界从历史的角度对美国资本主义进行了比较深入的研究,将注意力集中于国家在现代美国社会经济生活的作用上,对富兰克林·罗斯福总统以来历届美国政府的社会经济政策作了比较系统的研究,但对于美国企业界在国家垄断资本主义发展过程中所起的作用,还未来得及进行专门的分析。本文拟在这个方面作一初步探索,就教于史学界和美国学研究领域的同行们。限于篇幅,这里只涉及第一次世界大战到新政初期合作自由主义在美国的尝试,因为它比较集中地反映了美国社会从私人垄断资本主义向国家垄断资本主义过渡的初期阶段企业界与政府的关系。 展开更多
关键词 合作自由主义 第一次世界大战 国家垄断资本主义 企业界 美国企业 富兰克林·罗斯福 美国政府 同业公会 大公司 卡特尔
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试论关于美国现代化的第二次大辩论 被引量:2
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作者 李庆余 《南京社会科学》 CSSCI 1996年第10期47-54,共8页
19世纪末20世纪初,美国完成工业革命,农业社会被工业社会所取代,社会财富与综合国力得到惊人的增长,但这个工业社会的弊病也暴露无遗。垄断威胁了自由竞争的存在,贫富鸿沟剥夺了多数人的自由与生存保障。20世纪初就如何完善... 19世纪末20世纪初,美国完成工业革命,农业社会被工业社会所取代,社会财富与综合国力得到惊人的增长,但这个工业社会的弊病也暴露无遗。垄断威胁了自由竞争的存在,贫富鸿沟剥夺了多数人的自由与生存保障。20世纪初就如何完善工业社会展开了关于美国现代化的第二次大辩论。1929年的大萧条给这次大辩论以新的推动力。终于罗斯福总统宣告实施“新政”。新政意味着美国以政府干预代替自由放任,政府不仅要全面管理经济,而且是人民福利的保证人。 展开更多
关键词 美国现代化 自由放任 大萧条 政府干预 合作自由主义 联邦政府 资本主义 进步主义运动 大辩论 西奥多·罗斯福
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试论赫伯特·胡佛社会经济的理想模式
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作者 杨洁 《苏州大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》 CSSCI 1996年第3期99-103,109,共6页
本文试图以胡佛社会经济的理想模式为契入点,重新评价胡佛和他的社会经济理念及其历史和现实意义。合作自由主义是胡佛在二十世纪初提出的一种代替传统的自由放任的新主张,虽然在30年代经济萧条的惊涛骇浪中一度搁浅,但在凯恩斯主... 本文试图以胡佛社会经济的理想模式为契入点,重新评价胡佛和他的社会经济理念及其历史和现实意义。合作自由主义是胡佛在二十世纪初提出的一种代替传统的自由放任的新主张,虽然在30年代经济萧条的惊涛骇浪中一度搁浅,但在凯恩斯主义日益贫困的今天,胡佛的经济理念又再度引起了人们的关注和深思。 展开更多
关键词 “胡佛新政” 合作自由主义 社会经济模式 “美国制度”
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Chinese Engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa: Can the Beijing Consensus be Explained Under World-Systems Analysis? 被引量:1
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作者 Ewelina Roza Lubieniecka 《Fudan Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences》 2014年第3期433-450,共18页
The purpose of this paper is to: (1) explain what the historical origins of the world-systems concept are; (2) present the background for building the Washington Consensus; (3) attempt to answer if the Beijing ... The purpose of this paper is to: (1) explain what the historical origins of the world-systems concept are; (2) present the background for building the Washington Consensus; (3) attempt to answer if the Beijing Consensus can be interpreted as an alternative to the Washington Consensus; (4) attempt to answer if the world- systems concept is applicable to the current engagement of China in Africa. The world-systems concept provides a useful framework for research in international relations, thanks to both its methodological and theoretical assumptions. As it urges for treating social sciences as an interconnected system, i.e. it believes there is a link between sociology, economics, anthropology and the political sciences, it enables studying the reality of current international relations. Chinese presence in Sub- Saharan Africa should be seen from different points of view, as it affects most spheres of the state: it influences the economics and societies of the African countries (e.g. employment, migration, environment), as well as politics (e.g. elections in Zambia in 2011 BBC http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa- 14952240, 2011). Thus, the multi-dimensional analysis provided by the worldsystems theory, though not free of drawbacks (e.g. lack of a detailed analysis of each variable), allows a comprehensive and holistic look at the issue of Chinese engagement in Africa. In terms of theoretical assumptions, its focus on system as a whole (which can be both studied at domestic and international levels) provides a basis for conducting studies at a regional level, treating Sub-Saharan Africa as the study's object. The classic world-systems concept defines world economy as driven by the cores' domination on the peripheries (described also as North-South division). Most countries in sub-Saharan Africa fit into the scheme of world-systems analysis as the peripheries, but China cannot be treated as a core state: it is a semiperiphery, as described by Wallerstein, and representative of Global South. China's policy towards Sub-Saharan African countries has a distinct geo-economic pattern--a pattem of South-South cooperation. China's relations with Sub-Saharan Africa are (at least on the rhetoric sphere) built on 'mutual benefit', 'win-win cooperation', and similar historical experience, though the partners are not on a similar level of economic development. The growing presence of China in Africa is, therefore, a challenge to traditional assumptions of world-systems analysis and should be further researched. The aim of this article is to answer whether the world- systems theory can be reinterpreted to serve as the framework for conducting research on Chinese engagement in the Global South, especially in Sub-Saharan African countries. The Washington Consensus regarded as the general shift from Keynesianism to neoliberal economic policies (i.e. in the broader sense than that given by Williamson in 1989) fits into the dialectic of world-systems analysis. The Washington Consensus principles provide a framework through which the core countries carry out their policies towards the peripheries. However, not only numerous scholars (Broad and Cavanagh World Policy Journal 16:79, 1999; Wal- lerstein Shall We Discuss Poverty?, 2010; Rodrik Journal of Economic Literature XLIV:973, 2006) but also politicians (As the former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown Washington Post 2009) declared the death of the Washington Consensus. It became even more apparent after the latest financial crisis. Joshua Ramo coined the term "the Beijing Consensus" to describe the Chinese model of cooperation, different from the Western. Is this distinction based on a reliable foundation? Is the Beijing Consensus an alternative to the Washington Consensus? Can the current unprecedented presence of China in Sub-Saharan Africa (as well as in other regions of the Global South) be seen as a part of the world-systems concept? Should the China-Africa relationship be the new direction of research in the world-systems concept? 展开更多
关键词 World-systems Dependency theory Beijing consensus Washington consensus China AFRICA
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