大众传媒与公众身份的建构

本文从哈贝马斯的“公共领域”理论切入 ,结合中外大众传媒的实际 ,对大众传媒与公共领域的关系 ,“大众”、“受众”、“公众”之关系 ,以及“公立身份”的建构等问题进行了深入的理论辨析。

Plurk Politics Micro-Blogging Is Changing Political Communication in Taiwan

The use of social media in political communication has demonstrated its significance by the example of Arab Spring and the 2008 US presidential election, but its role in non-western democratic countries like Taiwan has rarely been examined. Micro-blogs share some characteristics with other types of social media but operate in a lighter way that has made it more and more popular among Internet users. Most researchers focus on the better-known Twitter, however, Plurk has found a niche and becomes the leading type of micro-blog in Taiwan and many politicians enjoy using it for political communication. This study seeks to answer the question ＂What patterns do Taiwan Residents politicians exhibit when utilizing Plurk？＂. By combining Habermasian communicative action theory and Foot and Schneider＇s Web Sphere, this research attempts to form a theoretical framework for micro-blogs. In-depth interviews were conducted with Taiwan Residents politicians at various levels and it was discovered that the broad pattern of political communication via Plurk may be characterised in Habermasian terms as strategic, through information broadcasting, public opinion formation, and political mobilization. In addition, this research shows that Taiwan Residents politicians use Plurk to gather information and ideas in exchanges which have dialogic elements.

The Enlarged Moral Self

Constitutional Patriotism is a new form of identity. It addresses the national component of identity formations in order to transform them in light of universal human rights principles. In this article, I seek to strengthen this theory left underdeveloped by Habermas. To do so, I use the idea of moral development which Habermas borrowed from Kohlberg. I argue that Constitutional Patriotism is the missing link in Habermas＇s reading of Kohlberg. I complement Kohlberg＇s reading of moral consciousness with the psychoanalytic idea of individuation. Communication, language, and autonomy all fall into their places in this interdisciplinary puzzle of Constitutional Patriotism spanning over the cultural terrain. This article takes part of the broader project of Constitutional Patriotism here only focusing on the notion of the selfhood.

Kant＇s Respect for the Law and Habermas＇s Redemption as a Source of Freedom？

As the title of this paper suggests, I intend to draw attention to what, in my opinion, lies at the core of the shared notion in both Kant and Habermas. This will be the concern of the first part of my paper. My focus will then shift, in the second part, to Habermas＇s views on freedom. In due time, however, as the provocative question mark in the title suggests, the notion of freedom becomes questionable. I will conclude by examining Frankfurt＇s notion of coercion in order to show that Habermas＇s notion of freedom is not only questionable but can, at times, be coercive. Throughout this paper, the reader shall be encouraged to see and possibly appreciate that there is a degree of similarity between the two thinkers. Shall the reader be hard put to gauge this similarity or shall the reader promptly appreciate it and take it into consideration？ I will argue--and demonstrate--that a certain amount of similarity can readily be drawn between the two. I will leave it up to the reader to decide whether this similarity is a forced similarity or whether this is a similarity that one perceives at a first glance and thus ought to consider. This paper could better be appreciated if the reader has reasonable knowledge of the Hegelian critique of Kant＇s Categorical Imperative.

Quentin Skinner＇s ＂Rhetorical Turn＂ and the Chances for Political Thought

Quentin Skinner＇s work since his turn to rhetoric has not been extensively discussed. My thesis is that with this turn Skinner has invented another novelty in the study of political thought, by including the analysis of the rhetoric of debating pro et contra among political agents as sources of political thought. The exemplary institution for such debates is the Westminster Parliament, and Skinner extends the analysis of the rhetorical culture of English Renaissance to studies on parliamentary debates. Here I am first comparing Skinner＇s The Foundations of Modern Political Thought and Reason and Rhetoric in the Philosophy of Hobbes in their relationship to rhetoric. Subsequently I discuss Skinner＇s comments on English parliamentary debates, including his recommendation to read Hobbes＇s Leviathan ＂as a speech in Parliament.＂ Reason and Rhetoric has inspired valuable studies on English Renaissance political rhetoric, shortly discussed here. For the understanding of the distinct parliamentary variety of deliberative rhetoric, I refer to the formation of a specific parliamentary procedure and to procedural tracts from sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Westminster, which among others create a parliamentary vocabulary and rules for conducting and regulating parliamentary debates. The parliamentary procedure institutionalizes the principle of in utramque partem disputare, central in Skinner＇s rhetorical studies. By this manner we can re-activate the link between political thought and parliamentary studies as well as explicate a dissensual alternative to Jiirgen Habermas＇s views on the political thought studies and parliamentary debates.

Kosik＇s Dialectics of Concrete Totality

Setting out from the categories of totality and histori（ci）sm in Kosik＇s Dialectics of the Concrete, we look at the relationship between theory and praxis： empty, abstract totality versus concrete, reified and alienated practice （Lukacs, Habermas, Honneth）; a bad totality, in which the real polydimensional subject is replaced by the one-dimensional, mythologized, fetishized, and economistically reduced ＂subject＂ of consummation （Marcuse, Baudrillard）. The dialectics of concrete totality implies a marxistic critique of the ethical and juristic universalism, in the context of the ＂positive＂ side of globalization and political unilateralism, as a concrete, militant, hegemonistic, post-colonial, and neo-imperial practice （Apel, Habermas, Chomsky, Zinoviev）; globalization as totali（tari）zation, the ＂last man,＂ the ＂end of history,＂ and the ＂end＂ of dialectics in its neo-liberal, eschatological, empty ideological ＂realization＂ （Hegel, Marx, Fukuyama, Arendt）; the totality of the （invariable） being as a pseudo-concrete and pseudo-dialectical ontologistic speculation （Heidegger）： A ＂return＂ to a concrete history and a return of the ＂positive＂ dialectics as a critical awareness, mind, and method in the discourse ＂game＂ of human＇s cognitive, creative, and practical powers. The assumption of Kosik＇s humanism is a synchrony of nature and history in the ＂absolute＂ totality of human＇s concrete existence （Lukacs, Goldmann, Adorno, Sartre, Kosik）.

Conceptual Model for Collaborative Planning in Iran with Emphasis on the Role of Urban Planners： A Case Study of Anzali＇s Development Strategy

Nowadays, public participation is one of the most important factors to improve the feasibility, legitimacy and quality of urban plans. In Iran, due to lack of comprehensive understanding about the participation notion and its necessary socio-economic and political infrastructures, participatory decision-making has faced with some serious challenges in both processes of preparing and implementing. The present paper focuses on providing practical strategies for preparing collaborative urban plans in Iran＇s conditions. Also it seeks to answer this question： What is the role of planners to prepare a real collaborative plan？ It is assumed that a conceptual model for collaborative planning can be fitted with Iran＇s conditions by means of integrating the fundamental philosophic ideas of participatory planning such as theories of Paul Michel Foucault and Jürgen Habermas, given the fact that the present situation of collaborative planning in Iran needs a supportive theory which is compatible with power structures of Iranian urban planning system. In this regard, the Habermas＇ theory of “communicative action” and the Foucault＇s theory of “power structures” are reviewed by a comparative analysis methodology to present an integrated conceptual model for collaborative planning in Iran＇s condition. At the end, the CDS （City Development Strategy）---making process of Anzali City of Iran is analysed to examine this claim in the practice. The results yield that enabling urban planners to act as communication facilitators during planning can direct the collaborative planning in Iran from theory to a real practice by means of integrating the positive aspects of communication and power.

言语行为理论的哲学进路与走向

西方哲学从认识论研究到语言哲学研究的语言转向变革导致了言语行为理论的诞生。言语行为理论继而发展成为语用学的重要理论支柱之一。本文着重考察了从维特根斯坦、奥斯汀和塞尔的日常语言学派到德国哲学家哈贝马斯的普遍语用学的言语行为理论思想,分析了言语行为理论的产生及其发展历程,指出言语行为理论通过对语言使用的关注使其自身成为一种具有批判意向的社会理论,同时也导致语用分析不仅突破了对符号解释者之间相互关系研究的拘囿,而且使其更加关注阐释生活世界中各种关系所指称的对象及其意义。这对从哲学渊源的角度认识现代语用学的发展轨迹具有重要的认识论意义。