When Utopia is re-discussed in the contemporary era, it is no longer just a question about the continued writing of a romantic poem, but a revolutionary political question. As it is the ＂presence＂ of ＂absence＂, th...When Utopia is re-discussed in the contemporary era, it is no longer just a question about the continued writing of a romantic poem, but a revolutionary political question. As it is the ＂presence＂ of ＂absence＂, the charm of Utopia lies in that it is not only distant otherness, but a kind of existence always touching the undercurrent of reality. In contemporary era, Utopia exists in the paradoxical form of dystopia. It is just in the review on Utopia that the political potential of art enables aesthetic Utopia re-enter its promising holy land as a new configuration of contemporary Utopia. However, the practice of aesthetic Utopia is not entirely poetic; on the contrary, there are always many fields which intertwine around and fight against each other between reality and expectations. Therefore, the aesthetic revolution chooses a more prudent way after the passionate release.展开更多
The critical nature of artwork is owed, according to Adorno, to the fact that it opposes its assimilation by reason and that it does not yield to the imposition of its established principles. This character which Heid...The critical nature of artwork is owed, according to Adorno, to the fact that it opposes its assimilation by reason and that it does not yield to the imposition of its established principles. This character which Heidegger, too, through a paradoxical convergence with Adorno, and in opposition to Lukacs, recognizes as its ontological component, permits the work of art to represent a force of resistance to dominance in general, in the prospect of the salvation of a humanized society. As such, it makes possible the radical rejection of political and, pertinent to it, pedagogical activity, when converted into primarily authoritiarian activity. Such a responsibility does art assume, according to Adorno, when it represents a spirituality, which is embodied in exemplary fashion both in the work of art itself, making the experience of the sublime possible, and in the aesthetic of the sublime, which is concentrated intensively on whatever remains unapproachable through concepts. In this way, we could say that the aesthetic of the sublime is converted into ＂first philosophy,＂ in the sense that it provides the rule for every theoretical approach. Concurring with this reading of Adorno, we consider how the sublime, as shown in the context of his aesthetic theory, is governed, furthermore, by a paideutic principle of exceptional significance, which we must necessarily activate through aesthetic education, so that western man may understand that he must uproot himself from the nihilistic social context in which he lives, rupturing the delusion of his omnipotence. In a world governed by a permanent crisis of democracy in public and private life, since the weakening of political imagination unites with the retreat from political ethos and an generalization of the unprecedented will for dominance, we consider this aesthetic theory to be exceptionally essential and useful to us both as pedagogical theory and as political theory, since it allows us to understand that the experience of the sublime through art is in opposition to this condition of destruction, and indeed represents the ideal of justice.展开更多
This study explores the aesthetic dimensions of Kwame Nkrumah＇s cultural policies in the creation of Ghana＇s Presidential Seats and the State Sword. The study is an Art Historical research situated within the qualit...This study explores the aesthetic dimensions of Kwame Nkrumah＇s cultural policies in the creation of Ghana＇s Presidential Seats and the State Sword. The study is an Art Historical research situated within the qualitative research paradigm. It had a population of a defmed class of cultural policy makers, art historians, traditional rulers, nationalists, visual artists and Ghanaians resident both in and outside Ghana. The study examined how the creation of Ghana＇s Presidential Seats and the State Sword were influenced by Kwame Nkrumah＇s cultural policies and the cultural significance of the aesthetic interplay of ethnic insignias used in capturing the Ghanaian concept of Political authority. The study revealed that, Nkrumah recognised the cultural art forms and elements of ethnic Ghana as assets for national development. In line with his policy of building the Nation State of Ghana, he used ethnic cultural art forms and elements. At independence, Nkrumah commissioned some visual artist to create some artistic pieces （politico-cultural artefacts） for the Ghanaian political authority with inspiration or based on what pertains in the traditional authority （Chieftaincy） of Ghana. Politico-cultural artefacts as used in this study refer to the artefacts produced based on the cultural concepts of the ethnic states for the use of the political authority of the Republic of Ghana. Among these artistic pieces are the three Presidential Seats, The State Sword, The President＇s Personal Standard Pole and the State Mace.展开更多
文摘When Utopia is re-discussed in the contemporary era, it is no longer just a question about the continued writing of a romantic poem, but a revolutionary political question. As it is the ＂presence＂ of ＂absence＂, the charm of Utopia lies in that it is not only distant otherness, but a kind of existence always touching the undercurrent of reality. In contemporary era, Utopia exists in the paradoxical form of dystopia. It is just in the review on Utopia that the political potential of art enables aesthetic Utopia re-enter its promising holy land as a new configuration of contemporary Utopia. However, the practice of aesthetic Utopia is not entirely poetic; on the contrary, there are always many fields which intertwine around and fight against each other between reality and expectations. Therefore, the aesthetic revolution chooses a more prudent way after the passionate release.
文摘The critical nature of artwork is owed, according to Adorno, to the fact that it opposes its assimilation by reason and that it does not yield to the imposition of its established principles. This character which Heidegger, too, through a paradoxical convergence with Adorno, and in opposition to Lukacs, recognizes as its ontological component, permits the work of art to represent a force of resistance to dominance in general, in the prospect of the salvation of a humanized society. As such, it makes possible the radical rejection of political and, pertinent to it, pedagogical activity, when converted into primarily authoritiarian activity. Such a responsibility does art assume, according to Adorno, when it represents a spirituality, which is embodied in exemplary fashion both in the work of art itself, making the experience of the sublime possible, and in the aesthetic of the sublime, which is concentrated intensively on whatever remains unapproachable through concepts. In this way, we could say that the aesthetic of the sublime is converted into ＂first philosophy,＂ in the sense that it provides the rule for every theoretical approach. Concurring with this reading of Adorno, we consider how the sublime, as shown in the context of his aesthetic theory, is governed, furthermore, by a paideutic principle of exceptional significance, which we must necessarily activate through aesthetic education, so that western man may understand that he must uproot himself from the nihilistic social context in which he lives, rupturing the delusion of his omnipotence. In a world governed by a permanent crisis of democracy in public and private life, since the weakening of political imagination unites with the retreat from political ethos and an generalization of the unprecedented will for dominance, we consider this aesthetic theory to be exceptionally essential and useful to us both as pedagogical theory and as political theory, since it allows us to understand that the experience of the sublime through art is in opposition to this condition of destruction, and indeed represents the ideal of justice.
文摘This study explores the aesthetic dimensions of Kwame Nkrumah＇s cultural policies in the creation of Ghana＇s Presidential Seats and the State Sword. The study is an Art Historical research situated within the qualitative research paradigm. It had a population of a defmed class of cultural policy makers, art historians, traditional rulers, nationalists, visual artists and Ghanaians resident both in and outside Ghana. The study examined how the creation of Ghana＇s Presidential Seats and the State Sword were influenced by Kwame Nkrumah＇s cultural policies and the cultural significance of the aesthetic interplay of ethnic insignias used in capturing the Ghanaian concept of Political authority. The study revealed that, Nkrumah recognised the cultural art forms and elements of ethnic Ghana as assets for national development. In line with his policy of building the Nation State of Ghana, he used ethnic cultural art forms and elements. At independence, Nkrumah commissioned some visual artist to create some artistic pieces （politico-cultural artefacts） for the Ghanaian political authority with inspiration or based on what pertains in the traditional authority （Chieftaincy） of Ghana. Politico-cultural artefacts as used in this study refer to the artefacts produced based on the cultural concepts of the ethnic states for the use of the political authority of the Republic of Ghana. Among these artistic pieces are the three Presidential Seats, The State Sword, The President＇s Personal Standard Pole and the State Mace.
