In the last three decades, the rise of a populist challenge to the liberal political mainstream exposed how shallow the supposed victory of global liberalism was, even in its heartlands in Europe and North America. Ex...In the last three decades, the rise of a populist challenge to the liberal political mainstream exposed how shallow the supposed victory of global liberalism was, even in its heartlands in Europe and North America. Exclusive nationalism and nativism, identity politics, critiques of globaiisation and internationalism, and calls for democratic re-empowerment of the demos have converged politically on a new locus of inflated territorial, indeed ＇border＇ sovereignty, aligning the caU of ＇taking back control＇ on behalf of a radically re-defined community （＇we＇） with a defensive re-territorialisation of power along existing fault lines of nation-statism. In this paper, I argue that the very same call has become the new common political denominator for all populist platforms and parties across Europe. I argue that populists across the conventional left-fight divide have deployed a rigidly territo- rialised concept of popular sovereignty in order to bestow intellectual coherence and communicative power to the otherwise disparate strands of their anti-utopian cri- tiques of globalisation. In spite of significant ideological differences between so- called fight- and left-wing populism, in the short-term the two populist projects have sought to stage their performances of sovereigntism on, behind or inside the borders of the existing nation-states.展开更多
The new provisions on judicial interpretation work issued by the Supreme People＇s Court （SPC） explicitly establish two procedural institutions： ＂Citizen motion for project initiation of judicial interpretation＂ ...The new provisions on judicial interpretation work issued by the Supreme People＇s Court （SPC） explicitly establish two procedural institutions： ＂Citizen motion for project initiation of judicial interpretation＂ and ＂Seeking public comment.＂ Under the rubric of democratization, these create ＂primafacie democratic legitimacy＂ for it to carry out the political function of developing law through judicial interpretation, and also enable it to broadly absorb information or knowledge in the course of Chinese-style judicial interpretation, especially abstract interpretation. However, the ＂democratization＂ trend gives also the impression that the SPC hews so close to public opinion that it will find itself in a quandary if it becomes necessary for it to make an independent and wise judgment. The SPC must find an appropriate balance between following behind and standing aloof from public opinion. Therefore, we should not take any further steps in ＂democratization.＂ An acceptable strategy for the present would be for the SPC to retain abstract interpretation in a limited sphere while working on reforming the content, form and system of concrete interpretation and extending its scope of application, letting the two models of judicial interpretation coexist and compete for future development and choices.展开更多
The tradition of the west defines its modernity as a radical rupture with endless possibilities for egalitarian futures; yet western modernity was rooted in the genocide of indigenous populations, transatlantic racial...The tradition of the west defines its modernity as a radical rupture with endless possibilities for egalitarian futures; yet western modernity was rooted in the genocide of indigenous populations, transatlantic racial slavery and colonialism. Moreover, as the war on terror demonstrates, racial/gender violence continues to be linked to the formation of western identity, culture and politics in the early twenty-first century. This paper examines how the histories of race and coloniality feature in the contemporary formation of the west, with a particular focus on US nationalism and Canadian multiculturalism. These nation-states are most often defined as antithetical, with the latter confirming that western society has transcended its originary racial/colonial politics. I begin with a brief discussion of the reformation of the west in the mid-twentieth century as the USA became the dominant western power. I then move to compare the contemporary national politics of the USA and Canada to highlight the divergence and convergence in their ddineation of their identity and values. My study demonstrates that although the white supremacist discourse that presently constitutes US nationalism is at variance with the multi- culturalism that shapes Canadian identity, these discourses can be defined as twin aspects of the racial/colonial politics that continue to give meaning to the idea of the west.展开更多
文摘In the last three decades, the rise of a populist challenge to the liberal political mainstream exposed how shallow the supposed victory of global liberalism was, even in its heartlands in Europe and North America. Exclusive nationalism and nativism, identity politics, critiques of globaiisation and internationalism, and calls for democratic re-empowerment of the demos have converged politically on a new locus of inflated territorial, indeed ＇border＇ sovereignty, aligning the caU of ＇taking back control＇ on behalf of a radically re-defined community （＇we＇） with a defensive re-territorialisation of power along existing fault lines of nation-statism. In this paper, I argue that the very same call has become the new common political denominator for all populist platforms and parties across Europe. I argue that populists across the conventional left-fight divide have deployed a rigidly territo- rialised concept of popular sovereignty in order to bestow intellectual coherence and communicative power to the otherwise disparate strands of their anti-utopian cri- tiques of globalisation. In spite of significant ideological differences between so- called fight- and left-wing populism, in the short-term the two populist projects have sought to stage their performances of sovereigntism on, behind or inside the borders of the existing nation-states.
文摘The new provisions on judicial interpretation work issued by the Supreme People＇s Court （SPC） explicitly establish two procedural institutions： ＂Citizen motion for project initiation of judicial interpretation＂ and ＂Seeking public comment.＂ Under the rubric of democratization, these create ＂primafacie democratic legitimacy＂ for it to carry out the political function of developing law through judicial interpretation, and also enable it to broadly absorb information or knowledge in the course of Chinese-style judicial interpretation, especially abstract interpretation. However, the ＂democratization＂ trend gives also the impression that the SPC hews so close to public opinion that it will find itself in a quandary if it becomes necessary for it to make an independent and wise judgment. The SPC must find an appropriate balance between following behind and standing aloof from public opinion. Therefore, we should not take any further steps in ＂democratization.＂ An acceptable strategy for the present would be for the SPC to retain abstract interpretation in a limited sphere while working on reforming the content, form and system of concrete interpretation and extending its scope of application, letting the two models of judicial interpretation coexist and compete for future development and choices.
文摘The tradition of the west defines its modernity as a radical rupture with endless possibilities for egalitarian futures; yet western modernity was rooted in the genocide of indigenous populations, transatlantic racial slavery and colonialism. Moreover, as the war on terror demonstrates, racial/gender violence continues to be linked to the formation of western identity, culture and politics in the early twenty-first century. This paper examines how the histories of race and coloniality feature in the contemporary formation of the west, with a particular focus on US nationalism and Canadian multiculturalism. These nation-states are most often defined as antithetical, with the latter confirming that western society has transcended its originary racial/colonial politics. I begin with a brief discussion of the reformation of the west in the mid-twentieth century as the USA became the dominant western power. I then move to compare the contemporary national politics of the USA and Canada to highlight the divergence and convergence in their ddineation of their identity and values. My study demonstrates that although the white supremacist discourse that presently constitutes US nationalism is at variance with the multi- culturalism that shapes Canadian identity, these discourses can be defined as twin aspects of the racial/colonial politics that continue to give meaning to the idea of the west.
