新常态视域中的国内外经济理论研究热点——中国社科院第三届全国马克思主义经济学论坛暨北京马克思主义经济学青年论坛综述

由中国社科院马克思主义理论学科建设与理论研究工作领导小组、中国社科院马克思主义研究学部、中国社科院经济社会发展研究中心共同主办,中国社科院马克思主义研究院原理部、北京理工大学人文与社会科学学院承办,中国人民大学书报资料中心经济编辑部协办的中国社科院第三届全国马克思主义经济学论坛暨北京马克思主义经济学青年论坛第四次研讨会,于2014年11月23日在北京理工大学隆重召开。

Trumponomics and China-US Economic and Trade Relations

Since he took office, the new US president, Donald Trump, has unveiled his broad economic policy--now called Trumponomics. It emphasizes neoliberalism at home, less government regulations, more growth and weakening the welfare state. Intemationally, Trumponomics embraces protectionism and nativism with a focus on US economic interests. Trumponomics caters to the lower-middle classes, a reflection of the country＇s current economic and diplomatic challenges. Trumponomics will bring uncertainty to China-US economic and trade relations. China should carefully study the policies of the Trump administration and prepare contingency plans.

Kosik＇s Dialectics of Concrete Totality

Setting out from the categories of totality and histori（ci）sm in Kosik＇s Dialectics of the Concrete, we look at the relationship between theory and praxis： empty, abstract totality versus concrete, reified and alienated practice （Lukacs, Habermas, Honneth）; a bad totality, in which the real polydimensional subject is replaced by the one-dimensional, mythologized, fetishized, and economistically reduced ＂subject＂ of consummation （Marcuse, Baudrillard）. The dialectics of concrete totality implies a marxistic critique of the ethical and juristic universalism, in the context of the ＂positive＂ side of globalization and political unilateralism, as a concrete, militant, hegemonistic, post-colonial, and neo-imperial practice （Apel, Habermas, Chomsky, Zinoviev）; globalization as totali（tari）zation, the ＂last man,＂ the ＂end of history,＂ and the ＂end＂ of dialectics in its neo-liberal, eschatological, empty ideological ＂realization＂ （Hegel, Marx, Fukuyama, Arendt）; the totality of the （invariable） being as a pseudo-concrete and pseudo-dialectical ontologistic speculation （Heidegger）： A ＂return＂ to a concrete history and a return of the ＂positive＂ dialectics as a critical awareness, mind, and method in the discourse ＂game＂ of human＇s cognitive, creative, and practical powers. The assumption of Kosik＇s humanism is a synchrony of nature and history in the ＂absolute＂ totality of human＇s concrete existence （Lukacs, Goldmann, Adorno, Sartre, Kosik）.

＂Painting with Words＂： ＂Social Justice＂ Protest＇s Narrative in the Israeli＇ s News

This article analyzes the role of the media during the 2011 social protests in Israel, in order to examine why the ＂Social Justice＂ protest proved more effective than any other social protest organized previously in Israel. Scholars have shown that media fi＇aming has a powerful effect on citizen perception and policy debates. The social protests focused on the political-social-economic policy based on a neo-liberal ideology. They signified the beginnings of resistance to the system and became the focus of public and media identification via reports published by leading Israeli newspapers： Yedioth Ahronoth and lsrael Hayom. Using content analysis, the author explore how the media plays an important role to shape the public perception of how to think and act about the protest. Due to the results, we evident the expand media capacity and influence, and that these effects are mediated in presenting positive and supportive coverage, including connotations and metaphors expressed by means of familiar slogans and events in the collective memory of Israeli society. Additionally, the expression ＂social justice＂ that became the protest＇s slogan, offered a broad common basis with which each citizen could identify, including journalists.

Society and State in Marcuse and Hegel

In the 40s and the 50s of the last century existed a largely shared conviction amongst the majority of social scientists in the US regarding the explanation of the theoretical philosophical roots of National Socialism. Contrarily to European writers, who searched its philosophical origins in irrational philosophical traditions, in the US, they relied upon the perception that Hegel＇s Philosophy of State was the most relevant ideological basis of National Socialism. Hegel＇s idea for the need of a strong state, seemed to clearly support the hypothesis. Herbert Marcuse, exiled in the United States, bad to confront himself with this conviction that academic colleague shared. This theoretical hypothesis was in tune to the Zeitgeist and the political context, in which anticommunism was growing stronger by the day and where the cold war was developing. Associating Hegel and National Socialism implied, for most of the hypothesis defenders yet another vantage point： it could discredit also Marx, for the tights links between his philosophical thinking and Hegel＇s one. For Marcuse this hypothesis was even more problematic knowing that in Germany, national socialist philosophers had rejected Hegel from the very first day their party came to power. In this article we try to analyze Marcuse＇s respective philosophical argument. The point of departure of this reconstruction is the philosophical interpretation of Hegel＇s theory of the State. Further than the historical context, the debate on Hegel and his theory of the State, is very relevant for today＇s debates, dominated by neoliberal ideologies, which often are starting from similar theoretical errors than the mentioned. In both cases exists a lack of understanding of the classic bourgeois content within the concept of the State, based on the French Revolution.

The Philosophy of Social Segregation in Israel＇s Democratic Schools

Democratic private schools in Israel are a part of the neo-liberal discourse. They champion the dialogic philosophy associated with its most prominent advocates--Martin Buber, Emmanuel Levinas---together with Paulo Freire＇s critical pedagogy, the humanistic psychology propounded by Carl Rogers, Nel Noddings＇s pedagogy of care and concern, and even Gadamer＇s integrative hermeneutic perspective. Democratic schools form one of the greatest challenges to State education and most vocal and active critique of the focus conservative education places on exams and achievement. This article describes the dual discourse connected to the schools. The first is the inner dialogical, which is devoted to student freedom and progress, the child being placed at the center. The second is the exterior discourse, which represents the school as a place of counter-education that provides personal and group development and comprises a site of liberty and choice. The schools in Israel are described as test case and indicating the existence of a sophisticated form of deception via the use of alluring terminology. The democratic private schools should be recognized for what they really are--agents of commodification that undermine democracy rather than enhance it.

The Traditional Media and the Social Movement： A Study of Approaches on Brazilian and Spanish Newspapers About Landless Movements and Human Rights

In this paper, we make an argument around two elements greatly connected on the setting of neoliberal globalization： traditional media and social movements. More specifically, our proposition in this research is to conduct a comparative study of online versions of two newspapers, the Brazilian newspaper Folha de S^o Paulo and the Spanish El Mundo. Considering this, we analyze the coverage of these vehicles in 2010, a period of presidential elections in Brazil, on the MST （Landless Movement） from the perspective of DH （human rights） Adopting a critical, historical, and dialectical view, we use the theoretical assumptions of Roland Barthes Douglas Kellner, Joaquin Herrera Flores, and David S~.nchez Rubio

Development of the Urban Periphery and Issues Related to Urban Landscape Due to Gated Communities

Due to the industrialisation and rapid urbanisation after 1950＇s, housing demand has increased together with an insufficient housing production to meet the need in Turkey. As a consequence of the large deficit between the annual housing demand and supply, squatter housing construction was the major means for shelter of low income families who can not have their place in the housing market as buyers. Squatter houses are located either on the peripheries of the cities or mostly outside of the urban boundaries on public land or illegally subdivided land by creating many physical, social and environmental problems. After 1990＇s, depending on the globalisation wind and neo-liberal policies that enriched the new elites who have new life styles, the housing capital focused on these group. After 1999 earthquake in Turkey, the fear of possible earthquake has also changed the housing preference as from the high-rise apartment buildings to the lower detached houses. As a consequence of this supply-demand chain, the private housing investment was directed to the gated communities which are isolated settlements with restricted access, so that public spaces are privatised or their use is prohibited or controlled on the edge of the metropoliten cities. These settlements also have physical and social problems. This paper will analyze the change of urban periphery, location and relation with the natural thresholds and the main transportation system of these settlements of Turkey in the light of literature review and some development plans and interview with real estate developers and users.

On the Possibilities of Leisure Studies in Mozambique： Historical and Sociological Considerations

In this paper, the author examines the possibilities of leisure （studies） in Mozambique. First, the author suggests that leisure can he looked at as a social construct which resulted from the colonial regulation of native labour, particularly between 1890s and 1974. Secondly, the author proposes that people look at the conditions of possibility of leisure in a context dominated by the new moral code of conduct, a cathartic purification of the colonial mentality, introduced through the ideology of the ＂New Man＂ created by the ruling party, Frelimo. Thirdly, the author examines the possibility of leisure in the context of Mozambique＇s adherence to neo-liberalism and market-driven economy after the collapse of socialism. The author concludes by providing the ground to establish lines of inquiry for an eventual field of leisure studies.

Resisting the Violences of ＂Market Normalisation＂： The Importance of Critical Pedagogies for Critical Criminology

The neo-liberal re-positioning of the educational-explorative realm to a vocational market-confinement has already impacted quite heavily on the educational sector in England and Wales and is now being imposed on a European wide scale. However, global as well as European students＇ protests illustrate that resistance to this ideology is gathering pace, and not only involves students and academics but also reaches wider parts of societies. This paper seeks to demonstrate the need for critical pedagogical practices that seek to sensitise students to the modes of current ＂conditions of domination＂. It further suggests critical criminologists to foster and engage in a process of public, intellectual, and intercultural exchange of ideas about education and educational institutions away from merely rationalistic, one-dimensional and profit-orientated ambitions toward a multitude of exchanges about meanings and purposes of such important socio-cultural and political institutions and processes that shape ＂subjectivities＂, inter-subjectivities and thus entire socio-cultural and political spheres. Such processes and active engagements are crucial to the agenda of critical criminologists, and perhaps most importantly, vital to the continued existence of a critical criminology that understands itself as proper ideology critique.

Migration and Alienation in an Indian Community in Mexico

The intensification of mobility of individuals from an Indian community to United States in the quest for jobs that neoliberal government has been unable to create, is the result of the lack of policies regarding native Mexicans. Recently, the installation of maquila factories surrounding a little Indian community in the north of Mexico City captured some labor force, but since the salaries are too low, people has to migrate, provoking, among others, problems such as family breakdown, new drug habits as well as abandonment of agriculture. This paper will focus on some migrant experiences in the context of their relationship and interaction with host societies and other immigrant groups and the accompanying forms of alienation, resistance and the recovery of a sense of self.

The United States： Economic Crisis, Productive Restructuring and the New Precarious Labor Conditions

The contemporary economic crisis should be considered within the framework of the contradictions created by the neoliberal model that was adopted in the mid-1970s, in the United States and throughout much of the world. The changes in the labor market and new forms of workforce exploitation based on deregulation, the increase of off-shoring, and flexible hiring practices have led to ＂new＂ precarious labor conditions. Due to the crisis, the United States labor market has been characterized by four factors： the increase of the unemployment, the unedited growth of the informal sector, a dramatic increase in precarious labor conditions for all workers, especially young people, minorities, and immigrants, and the increasing wage polarization. However, capitalist profit rates have actually substantially increased due to neoliberal policies and the resulting economic crisis. This situation led to a rise in the overexploitation of labor. It has had subsequent effects on unemployment, informal work, precarious labor conditions, and unequal salary distribution, especially in recently created positions. Increased labor flexibility has changed the typical forms of wage employment, and stable employment has been replaced by temporary and part-time employment usually with low wages and without social security and benefits.

The Effect of Class and Employment Type on the Awareness of Irregular Work Issues in Korea and ｜apan

Recently, there is greater recognition and increased attempts to protect the rights of irregular workers within Korea and Japan, especially in Korea. This is because of more and more public awareness of the polarization in material conditions between regular workers and irregular workers. So, this study focuses on the main factors explaining awareness of irregular worker issues of each of the classes, and relationship between class consciousness in both countries. The result shows that among factors affecting awareness of irregular work issues, negative effect of subjective employment stability was significant in both countries. In regard of anti-flexibility, while strong class effect was observed in Korea, negative effect of anti-neoliberalism was observed in Japan. This is seemingly contradictory that who opposes neoliberal economic policies agrees with labor market flexibilisation. This phenomenon could be explained by labor market characteristics in Korea and Japan. Japanese labor market is characterized by low flexibility and strong segmentation, while Korean labor market is characterized by high flexibility and strong segmentation. Interaction of these two characteristics increases the labor market inequality in Korea.

Participation in the Higher Education Chamber [CESJ of the National Education Council （：CNE） During the Administration of Fernando Henrique Cardoso

After the creation of the Law 9.394/96, which established the bases of Brazilian education, it is noted that government policies initiated at Fernando Henrique Cardoso （FHC） government reinforced the education decentralization process, combining higher education reform with state reform ruled by neoliberal policies. The literature about Higher Education contemporary problems points to three central themes： access to higher education, academic organization, and public universities privatization. Therefore, it is important to analyze the public space of relationship between state and civil society constituted for making decisions in this area because its deliberations directly affect public policy development. This paper aims to examine the capacity of Higher Education Chamber （CES） of the National Education Council （CNE） to consolidate civil society participation in decision-making issues concerning Higher Education in the period that includes 1997-2002, The CNE was selected because it is the highest forum for participation： it discusses the problems involved in national education, especially in higher education, whose decisions are taken by CES. The period 1997-2002 was defined because it is the period of President FHC government, after the creation of Law 9.394/96. The official documents and Council documents analysis showed that this public space consolidates the participation because there is an educational process of recognition of civil society issues, although there are restrictions imposed by the government.

A discursive construction of the Belt and Road Initiative: From neo-liberal to inclusive globalization

An international consensus is emerging around the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI) proposed by the Chinese government, with a growing number of countries seeing it as a way of jointly exploring new international economic governance mechanisms. Meanwhile, with the crisis of neo-liberalism, economic globalization has arrived at a crossroad. In particular, incessant voices speak out against globalization, making the quest for a new way of promoting global development a major challenge. In this context, more and more political elites and scholars consider that the BRI opens up a possible new globalization path, amongst which inclusive globalization warrants exploration. On the basis of a brief analysis of the course and mechanism of global economic expansion and the limitations of neo-liberal globalization, along with the putting into practice of the BRI, this paper outlines some of the core features of inclusive globalization, i.e., inclusive growth with effective and efficient government regulation; inclusive infrastructure development; inclusive development paths chosen nationally that suit national conditions; inclusive participation; and cultural inclusiveness. Although these features are not sufficient to characterize fully inclusive globalization, they do identify some directions for future research, and provide elements of a discursive construction of the BRI.

The Historical and Present Dimensions of Consensus on New Global Governance

The experience and lessons from the century and the experience of successful development of market economy since the 19th socialism with Chinese characteristics show that the free development of the market needs corresponding governance to match up with it, or the other way round it will inevitably enlarge the negative influence of the market and lead to the intensification of social contradictions. In order to promote the healthy development of economic globalization, it is necessary to adjust the previous neoliberal order and establish a new global governance model, for the old order is oriented towards complete marketization, privatization and Westernized political system in terms of governance. This model is the crux of many problems in the current economic globalization. For this reason, the new global governance should be based on the following consensus： The balance between the market and the state recognizes a diversified national governance mode, but such pluralistic mode should be premised on win-win cooperation and mutual benefits, and boosting development provides a basis for guaranteeing the smooth development of current economic globalization. At present, it is urgent to find a global approach to the improvement of development to cope with the tmdercurrents of de- and anti-globalization. So, the author holds that on the basis of the ＂Belt and Road Initiative,＂ the construction of global infrastructure should be used as a new growth point for promoting global economy. This solution can alleviate the difficulties of employment loss and weak growth in some developed countries in the West, improve the development capacity of developing countries, and meanwhile enhance the production capacity and capital exports of countries like China.

Chinese Engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa： Can the Beijing Consensus be Explained Under World-Systems Analysis？

The purpose of this paper is to： （1） explain what the historical origins of the world-systems concept are; （2） present the background for building the Washington Consensus; （3） attempt to answer if the Beijing Consensus can be interpreted as an alternative to the Washington Consensus; （4） attempt to answer if the world- systems concept is applicable to the current engagement of China in Africa. The world-systems concept provides a useful framework for research in international relations, thanks to both its methodological and theoretical assumptions. As it urges for treating social sciences as an interconnected system, i.e. it believes there is a link between sociology, economics, anthropology and the political sciences, it enables studying the reality of current international relations. Chinese presence in Sub- Saharan Africa should be seen from different points of view, as it affects most spheres of the state： it influences the economics and societies of the African countries （e.g. employment, migration, environment）, as well as politics （e.g. elections in Zambia in 2011 BBC http：//www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa- 14952240, 2011）. Thus, the multi-dimensional analysis provided by the worldsystems theory, though not free of drawbacks （e.g. lack of a detailed analysis of each variable）, allows a comprehensive and holistic look at the issue of Chinese engagement in Africa. In terms of theoretical assumptions, its focus on system as a whole （which can be both studied at domestic and international levels） provides a basis for conducting studies at a regional level, treating Sub-Saharan Africa as the study＇s object. The classic world-systems concept defines world economy as driven by the cores＇ domination on the peripheries （described also as North-South division）. Most countries in sub-Saharan Africa fit into the scheme of world-systems analysis as the peripheries, but China cannot be treated as a core state： it is a semiperiphery, as described by Wallerstein, and representative of Global South. China＇s policy towards Sub-Saharan African countries has a distinct geo-economic pattern--a pattem of South-South cooperation. China＇s relations with Sub-Saharan Africa are （at least on the rhetoric sphere） built on ＇mutual benefit＇, ＇win-win cooperation＇, and similar historical experience, though the partners are not on a similar level of economic development. The growing presence of China in Africa is, therefore, a challenge to traditional assumptions of world-systems analysis and should be further researched. The aim of this article is to answer whether the world- systems theory can be reinterpreted to serve as the framework for conducting research on Chinese engagement in the Global South, especially in Sub-Saharan African countries. The Washington Consensus regarded as the general shift from Keynesianism to neoliberal economic policies （i.e. in the broader sense than that given by Williamson in 1989） fits into the dialectic of world-systems analysis. The Washington Consensus principles provide a framework through which the core countries carry out their policies towards the peripheries. However, not only numerous scholars （Broad and Cavanagh World Policy Journal 16：79, 1999; Wal- lerstein Shall We Discuss Poverty？, 2010; Rodrik Journal of Economic Literature XLIV：973, 2006） but also politicians （As the former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown Washington Post 2009） declared the death of the Washington Consensus. It became even more apparent after the latest financial crisis. Joshua Ramo coined the term ＂the Beijing Consensus＂ to describe the Chinese model of cooperation, different from the Western. Is this distinction based on a reliable foundation？ Is the Beijing Consensus an alternative to the Washington Consensus？ Can the current unprecedented presence of China in Sub-Saharan Africa （as well as in other regions of the Global South） be seen as a part of the world-systems concept？ Should the China-Africa relationship be the new direction of research in the world-systems concept？

Teaching to, with, and Against the Test: Language Teaching and Teacher Identity Under Institutional Neoliberalization

Neoliberalism has emerged as a keyword that captures some core features of global economic and educational reforms in recent years. This paper reports a linguistic ethnographic study of how a Chinese language teacher was engaged with neoliberal discourses on language education in and out of the classroom in a suburban public middle school in China, with an attempt to illuminate the complexity of language education in a neoliberal context. The analysis shows three general identity positions-as an opponent, a conformist, and a pragmatist-across the identification trajectory of the focal language teacher through the fieldwork period, in relation to neoliberal exam-oriented education and her various ways of engaging with exam discourses in her language classrooms. This inquiry argues for the perspective of unpredictability and complexity as an alternative that goes beyond the current "deterministic neoliberalism" in understanding the dynamics of neoliberalization in language education, language teaching, and teacher identity formation.

Caring to Teach: Exploring the Affective Economies of English Teachers in Singapore

The ethical project of education hinges on the ideal of caring relations between teachers and students, an ideal that entails deep emotional commitments on the part of teachers. Drawing on interview data from a larger study of teachers’ lived experiences in Singapore’s secondary schools,this paper examines the cultural politics of caring as an emotional practice in teaching. The ethic of care serves to construct normative accounts of good teaching based on "feeling rules," and becomes a disciplinary technology for evaluating the professional, social and emotional competencies of teachers. I suggest that this project in turn entails an ideological effort to mobilize teachers’ emotional attachment to this ethical ideal. The ethic of care shapes the subjectivities, beliefs, and practices of English teachers, particularly as they circulate through the neoliberal imperatives of educational accountability regimes.